@@EDWARD W CARR The Soviet Impact in the Western World
137 pág.

@@EDWARD W CARR The Soviet Impact in the Western World


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the process of contradiction begins once more.
This state of flux, or historical process, is the ultimate reality:
it is also rational, since it is moving forward along certain
lines which can be determined by rational investigation. This
was what Hegel called the dialectic, and Marx, in substituting
the conflict of classes and their material interest for the
Hegelian conflict of ideas, preserved the rest of the Hegelian
structure intact. Indeed the principles of conflict and flux
occupy in the Marxist system a more central place than the
materialism. Whether directly from Hegel, or through Marx,
or through other channels, the dialectical conception has
deeply penetrated western thought since the latter part of
the i pth century. Among its symptoms are the belief in
perpetual conflict substituted for the belief in a natural
harmony of interests; the recognition that social phenomena
are not static, but dynamic, and must be studied not as fixed
states, but as processes; and the emphasis on history as the
key to reality. In the 1 8th century, philosophy took over from
religion the function of explaining the nature of reality. In the
1 9th century this role was passed on from philosophy to
history.
Belief in the historical process, in never-ceasing flux, as the
ultimate
reality should logically preclude belief in any ab-
88
solute outside it. The course of history being predetermined
by laws of its own is an absolute in its own right, and all that
man has to do is to conform to those laws and to help to
fulfil them. Hegel, the real inventor of what came to be
known to German philosophers as Historisnms, preached that
freedom consisted in the recognition and voluntary accept-
ance of necessity. This form of historical determinism is the
basis of what may be called the "scientific" side of Marx's
teaching: the contradictions of capitalism made socialism
demonstrably inevitable. "When Marxists organize the com-
munist party and lead it into battle", wrote Bukharin, "this
action is also an expression of historical necessity which finds
its form precisely through the will and the actions of men."
1
It has sometimes been suggested that to portray history as a
chain of events developing one out of the other by an
inevitable process is to deprive human beings of all incentive
to action. This is good logic but poor psychology. Men like
to work for a cause which they think certain to win; con-
versely, there is no surer way of sapping an adversary's morale
than to persuade him that he is bound to lose. Marxism has
derived an enormous accretion of strength from the belief that
the realization of its predictions is historically inevitable. To
have history on one's side is the modern equivalent of being
on the side of the angels.
This belief in history is a fundamental tenet of Bolshevism.
Both Lenin and Trotsky frequently personified not to say,
deified history. "History will not forgive us", wrote Lenin
on the eve of the Bolshevik revolution, "if we do not seize
power now." What is right is to assist the historical process
to develop along its predestined lines: what is wrong is to
oppose or impede that process. The victory of the proletariat,
being scientifically inevitable, is also morally right. The
*N. Bukharin, Historical Materialism (English trans.), p. 51.
89
French revolutionaries had adopted the slogan salus populi
suprema lex; Plekhanov, the Russian Marxist, was logical and
consistent when he translated this into salus revolutiae [sic]
suprevm lex.
1 The revolution was the fulfilment of the his-
torical process: everything that aided history to fulfil itself
was
right. Ethics could have no other basis and no other mean-
ing. Like other totalitarian philosophies and religions, Bol-
shevism inevitably tends to justify the means by the end. If
the end is absolute, nothing that serves that end can be morally
condemned.
The emphasis on history leads on to the third revolutionary
element in Marxism, its relativism. The laws of nature are
absolute and timeless or were until recently regarded as
such. The laws of the social sciences are embedded in history
and conditioned by it: what is true of one period is obviously
not true of another. There is no such thing as democracy in
the abstract: the nature of democracy depends on the histori-
cal development of the society in which it is established, and
the application of the same formal rules will yield different
results in different social environments. No laws of economics
are universally true without regard to time or place. There are
classical economics based on the broad pre-suppositions of
laissez-faire, the economics of "imperfect competition" or
monopoly capitalism, and the economics of socialism or the
planned society; and different principles will apply to each.
Conceptions like "freedom" and "justice" remain abstract and
formal until we are able to place them in a concrete historical
setting, and bring them to earth by answering the questions
"freedom for whom, and from what" or
"justice for whom
and at whose expense". Not only every social or political
institution, but every social and political idea changes with
the historical context, or, more specifically, with changes in
* G. V. Plekhanov, Works, XII (in Russian), pp. 418-19.
9
the relations of productive forces. Reality is never static;
everything is relative to a given stage in the historical process.
This thorough-going relativism is ideologically the most
destructive weapon in the Marxist armoury. It can be used to
dissolve all the absolute ideas on which the existing order
seeks to base its moral
superiority. Law is not law in the ab-
stract, but a set of concrete rules enacted by an economically
dominant class for the maintenance of its privileges and au-
thority. Bourgeois law is largely concerned with the protec-
tion of the property rights of the bourgeoisie: "law and
order", though good things in the abstract, become a tradi-
tional slogan by which those in possession seek to discredit
strikers, revolutionaries and other rebels against the existing
social order, however oppressive that order may be. Equality
in the abstract is purely formal. "One man, one vote" does
not ensure actual equality in a society where one voter may
be a millionaire and another a pauper; even equality before
the law may be a mockery when the law is framed and ad-
ministered by the members of a privileged class. Freedom it-
self can be equally formal. Freedom to choose or refuse a
job is unreal if freedom to refuse is merely tantamount to
freedom to starve. Freedom of opinion is nullified if social
or professional pressures render the holding of some opinions
lucrative and expose the holders of other opinions to an eco-
nomic boycott. Freedom of the press and of public meeting
are illusory if the principal organs of the press and the prin-
cipal meeting-places are, as is inevitable in capitalist society,
controlled by the moneyed class. Thus the supposed absolute
values of liberal democracy are undermined by the corrosive
power of the Marxist critique: what was thought of as ab-
solute turns out to be relative to a given social structure and
to possess validity only as an adjunct to that structure. These
views have made enormous headway in the last 25 years. To
9 1
discuss history in constitutional terms, or in terms of a strug-
gle for liberty, democracy or some other abstract ideal, is
today almost as old-fashioned as to discuss it in terms of kings
and battles. Under the impact of Marxism the study of his-
tory has everywhere been placed on sociological foundations.
If the 1 8th century rationalists substituted philosophy for
religion, and Hegel substituted history for philosophy, Marx
carried the process one stage further by substituting sociology
for history.
But the inroads of relativism go deeper still. If the institu-
tional pattern of society and the ideals which animate it are
conditioned by the material or specifically by the economic
foundations