the Colorado and Gila Rivers, expelled all missionaries, settlers, and soldiers in 1780–81. Since the Yumas were never reconquered, the land route between Sonora and the Californias remained interrupted for the duration of the colonial period. Croix’s successor, Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola (1786–90), a veteran of the European wars of 1740–63 and previously Governor of Sonora and Coahuila, strug- gled with the problem of the Apaches. Ultimately the resolution of New Spain’s frontier problem depended upon either defeat of the Apache groups raiding into Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Sonora, or 126 A concise history of Mexico some type of working arrangement with them. Spanish offensives in 1784–85 had also proved unsuccessful. Ugarte first sought alliances with the Comanche andNavajo enemies of the Apaches,made peace with the Chiricahuas and Lipanes in Sonora and Nueva Vizcaya, and then campaigned against the Gileños who, with their Pima and Papago allies, had attacked the Tucson presidio in 1784. Between 1790 and 1810, the peace strategy proved relatively successful. Indian resistance in the north and far north posed a far greater problem to the Spanish colonial administration than interloping by rival European Powers, in spite of the temporary loss of the Floridas to Great Britain between 1763 and 1783. Spain, however, com- pounded this problem by maintaining only a weak political or- ganisation in the northern provinces and keeping commercial life dependent on Veracruz and Mexico City, in spite of the general policy of trade liberalisation within the Empire. The viceregal authorities in Mexico City, for their part, remained determined to prevent the formation of any separate authority for the entire north- ern zone. They opposed strengthening the woefully inadequate 3,000–man force which was supposed to defend the entire frontier. Finally, Viceroy Flórez secured royal authorisation in 1787 not only for the creation of two distinct Comandancias, one for the eastern and one for the western provinces, but that both should be directly responsible to the viceregal government. In 1793, though, the crown changed its mind and ordered the reunion of the two sections. They remained united until the Cortes in 1813 revived the earlier policy of division. The outbreak of insurrection within central Mexico in 1810, however, forced the authorities to divert manpower and resources away from the north at a crucial stage. As a result, peace disintegrated throughout the northern territories. Religious crisis and popular perceptions The religious crisis within New Spain operated on several levels: the perception that the Spanish metropolitan government and its local agents had departed from traditional practices sharpened resent- ments across the social spectrum. Gruzinski presents the view of a ‘Baroque Church’ superseded by a ‘Church of the Enlightenment’, imposed by the largely Spanish episcopate appointed by the Crown. 127Destabilisation and fragmentation, 1770–1867 Plate 17 Portrait of Father Miguel Hidalgo (1753–1811) by Joaquín Ramírez, c. 1865. This painting attempts to portray Hidalgo less as revolutionary priest and more as potential statesman and founder of the Republic, though in his lifetime he was neither. Muralist painters of the Revolution of 1910 adopted a different stance, emphasising Hidalgo’s revolutionary leadership, if not messianic role. Orozco, for instance, covered the stairway of the Government Palace in Guadalajara during the later 1930s with scenes of violent revolutionary conflict. Hidalgo, left fist clenched above his head, spreads a burning brand across the forces of reaction. Juan O’Gorman (1905–82) portrayed Hidalgo as nationalist revolutionary in his ‘Retablo de la Independencia’ in Chapultepec Castle in 1960–61. 128 A concise history of Mexico The religious question polarised opinion and divided loyalities. To some extent, the religious crisis represented aMexican expression of the general crisis within the RomanCatholic Church during the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries under the impact of En- lightenment, Revolution, and early Liberalism. In New Spain, the combination of social and cultural factors enabled a large-scale popular mobilisation to take place for the first time. The insurrec- tion of 1810was led by FatherMiguel Hidalgo (1753–1811), parish priest of Dolores in the dynamic and densely populated province of Guanajuato. Its extent and intensity took the viceregal authorities by surprise. The change of dynasty in 1700 had led to increased state pressure on the revenues and jurisdiction of the Church. A temporary rupture between the Spanish Crown and the Holy See, followed by the Concordats of 1737 and 1753, reflected state perceptions of su- periority over the ecclesiastical power. This ‘regalism’ rose to a climax in the years 1765 to 1808, when intensified governmental pressure led to the reduction of ecclesiastical immunities and the absorption of Church revenues and properties. Archbishop Fran- cisco Lorenzana (1766–72) and Bishop Francisco Fabián y Fuero of Puebla (1765–73) were the principal exponents of late Bourbon regalism. These policies reflected the strains to which the Spanish state, as an imperial power in a competitive European world, was constantly subjected. At the same time, however, the ideas of the Enlightenment began to enter New Spain. They were not necessarily heterodox, still less anti-Christian, but from mid-century they did lead to criticism of traditional educational methods and curricula. Accordingly, the clergy became divided into ‘modernisers’ and ‘tra- ditionalists’. Although not subversive, the new ideas increased state pressures on the institutional Church. The expulsion of the Jesuits – the majority of the 500 were Mexicans – in 1767 stirred up a widespread opposition in New Spain which cut across social distinctions. Promoters of the cult of Guadalupe, the Jesuits acted at the same time as the principal teachers in colleges attended by sons of the creole elite, confessors in nunneries, and promoters of lay Marian brotherhoods. The expul- sion had serious moral consequences, since it was imposed upon creole society in New Spain by the Spanish colonial authorities. A 129Destabilisation and fragmentation, 1770–1867 Pl at e 18 A er ia lv ie w of th e ce nt ra lc or e of V al la do lid de M ic ho ac án (s in ce 18 28 ,M or el ia ), ca pi ta lo ft he st at e of M ic ho ac án an d se at of th e bi sh op ri c fo un de d in 15 36 .T he Sp an is h cr ow n au th or is ed th e co ns tr uc ti on of th e pr es en tc at he dr al (a tt he ce nt re )i n 16 55 ;i tw as fin al ly co ns ec ra te d in 17 05 . 130 A concise history of Mexico deepening division opened between the peninsular hierarchy and the popular church. The former remained under the Royal Patronage, while the latter had already seen the parting of the ways. The Caroline bishops campaigned against popular religiousmani- festations and cults. Their attacks on ‘superstition’ and ‘fanaticism’ widened the gap between the colonial government and ordinary people. Although most of this criticism focussed on processions, pilgrimages, cults of the saints and the Virgin, and the centrality of local confraternity practices in Indian villages, a number of millen- narian movements revealed the depth of popular unease. Gruzinski has suggested a millennarian dimension to the support focussed on Antonio Pérez in 1760–61 in the highland zone between Mexico City and Cuautla. Similarly, Taylor recently drew attention to the millennarian rebellion of 1769 in the Tulancingo area north-east of Mexico City in which devotion to the Virgin of Guadalupe formed a leading part. The colonial authorities in Guadalajara and the capital took seriously a localised uprising in Tepic in Nayarit in 1801 centred around an Indian ‘king’ called Mariano, which was to have taken place on the Feast of the Virgin of Guadalupe. The religious dimension, striking deep roots within