The-Rights-of-Man-44

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faculties),	 the	 next	 in	 succession,	whatever	 he	may	be,	 is	 put	 at	 the	 head	 of	 a
nation,	and	of	a	government,	at	the	age	of	eighteen	years.	Does	this	appear	like
an	 action	 of	 wisdom?	 Is	 it	 consistent	 with	 the	 proper	 dignity	 and	 the	 manly
character	of	a	nation?	Where	is	the	propriety	of	calling	such	a	lad	the	father	of
the	people?—In	all	other	cases,	a	person	is	a	minor	until	the	age	of	twenty-one
years.	Before	 this	period,	he	 is	not	 trusted	with	 the	management	of	 an	acre	of
land,	or	with	the	heritable	property	of	a	flock	of	sheep,	or	an	herd	of	swine;	but,
wonderful	to	tell!	he	may,	at	the	age	of	eighteen	years,	be	trusted	with	a	nation.
That	 monarchy	 is	 all	 a	 bubble,	 a	 mere	 court	 artifice	 to	 procure	 money,	 is
evident	(at	least	to	me)	in	every	character	in	which	it	can	be	viewed.	It	would	be
impossible,	on	the	rational	system	of	representative	government,	 to	make	out	a
bill	 of	 expenses	 to	 such	 an	 enormous	 amount	 as	 this	 deception	 admits.
Government	is	not	of	itself	a	very	chargeable	institution.	The	whole	expense	of
the	 federal	 government	 of	 America,	 founded,	 as	 I	 have	 already	 said,	 on	 the
system	of	representation,	and	extending	over	a	country	nearly	ten	times	as	large
as	England,	is	but	six	hundred	thousand	dollars,	or	one	hundred	and	thirty-five
thousand	pounds	sterling.
I	presume	that	no	man	in	his	sober	senses	will	compare	the	character	of	any	of
the	kings	of	Europe	with	that	of	General	Washington.	Yet,	in	France,	and	also	in
England,	 the	expense	of	 the	civil	 list	only,	for	 the	support	of	one	man,	 is	eight
times	greater	than	the	whole	expense	of	the	federal	government	in	America.	To
assign	a	reason	for	this,	appears	almost	impossible.	The	generality	of	people	in
America,	especially	the	poor,	are	more	able	to	pay	taxes,	than	the	generality	of
people	either	in	France	or	England.
But	 the	 case	 is,	 that	 the	 representative	 system	 diffuses	 such	 a	 body	 of
knowledge	 throughout	 a	 nation,	 on	 the	 subject	 of	 government,	 as	 to	 explode
ignorance	and	preclude	 imposition.	The	craft	of	courts	cannot	be	acted	on	 that
ground.	There	 is	no	place	for	mystery;	nowhere	for	 it	 to	begin.	Those	who	are
not	in	the	representation,	know	as	much	of	the	nature	of	business	as	those	who
are.	An	 affectation	 of	mysterious	 importance	would	 there	 be	 scouted.	Nations
can	 have	 no	 secrets;	 and	 the	 secrets	 of	 courts,	 like	 those	 of	 individuals,	 are
always	their	defects.
In	 the	representative	system,	 the	reason	for	everything	must	publicly	appear.
Every	man	is	a	proprietor	in	government,	and	considers	it	a	necessary	part	of	his
business	 to	understand.	 It	 concerns	his	 interest,	 because	 it	 affects	his	property.
He	 examines	 the	 cost,	 and	 compares	 it	with	 the	 advantages;	 and	 above	 all,	 he
does	not	 adopt	 the	 slavish	custom	of	 following	what	 in	other	governments	 are
called	Leaders.
It	can	only	be	by	blinding	the	understanding	of	man,	and	making	him	believe
that	government	is	some	wonderful	mysterious	thing,	that	excessive	revenues	are
obtained.	 Monarchy	 is	 well	 calculated	 to	 ensure	 this	 end.	 It	 is	 the	 popery	 of
government;	a	thing	kept	up	to	amuse	the	ignorant,	and	quiet	them	into	taxes.
The	government	of	a	free	country,	properly	speaking,	is	not	in	the	persons,	but
in	the	laws.	The	enacting	of	those	requires	no	great	expense;	and	when	they	are
administered,	 the	whole	of	civil	government	 is	performed—the	rest	 is	all	court
contrivance.
CHAPTER	IV.	OF	CONSTITUTIONS
That	men	mean	distinct	and	separate	things	when	they	speak	of	constitutions
and	of	governments,	is	evident;	or	why	are	those	terms	distinctly	and	separately
used?	A	constitution	is	not	the	act	of	a	government,	but	of	a	people	constituting	a
government;	and	government	without	a	constitution,	is	power	without	a	right.
All	power	exercised	over	a	nation,	must	have	some	beginning.	It	must	either
be	 delegated	 or	 assumed.	 There	 are	 no	 other	 sources.	 All	 delegated	 power	 is
trust,	 and	all	 assumed	power	 is	usurpation.	Time	does	not	 alter	 the	nature	 and
quality	of	either.
In	 viewing	 this	 subject,	 the	 case	 and	 circumstances	 of	 America	 present
themselves	 as	 in	 the	 beginning	 of	 a	world;	 and	 our	 enquiry	 into	 the	 origin	 of
government	 is	 shortened,	 by	 referring	 to	 the	 facts	 that	 have	 arisen	 in	 our	 own
day.	 We	 have	 no	 occasion	 to	 roam	 for	 information	 into	 the	 obscure	 field	 of
antiquity,	nor	hazard	ourselves	upon	conjecture.	We	are	brought	at	once	 to	 the
point	of	seeing	government	begin,	as	 if	we	had	 lived	 in	 the	beginning	of	 time.
The	real	volume,	not	of	history,	but	of	facts,	is	directly	before	us,	unmutilated	by
contrivance,	or	the	errors	of	tradition.
I	will	here	concisely	state	the	commencement	of	the	American	constitutions;
by	which	the	difference	between	constitutions	and	governments	will	sufficiently
appear.
It	 may	 not	 appear	 improper	 to	 remind	 the	 reader	 that	 the	 United	 States	 of
America	 consist	 of	 thirteen	 separate	 states,	 each	 of	 which	 established	 a
government	for	itself,	after	the	declaration	of	independence,	done	the	4th	of	July,
1776.	Each	state	acted	independently	of	the	rest,	in	forming	its	governments;	but
the	 same	 general	 principle	 pervades	 the	 whole.	 When	 the	 several	 state
governments	were	formed,	they	proceeded	to	form	the	federal	government,	that
acts	 over	 the	whole	 in	 all	matters	which	 concern	 the	 interest	 of	 the	whole,	 or
which	 relate	 to	 the	 intercourse	 of	 the	 several	 states	 with	 each	 other,	 or	 with
foreign	 nations.	 I	 will	 begin	 with	 giving	 an	 instance	 from	 one	 of	 the	 state
governments	(that	of	Pennsylvania)	and	then	proceed	to	the	federal	government.
	XIII. RIGHTS OF MAN.
	CHAPTER IV. OF CONSTITUTIONS