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1 THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT FINANCE IN BRAZIL by FELIPE CARVALHO DE REZENDE 1 University of Missouri–Kansas City November 2007 1 Felipe Rezende is a Ph.D. student in economics at the University of Missouri – Kansas City. Many sincere thanks to Professors L. Randall Wray, Stephanie A. Kelton, and John Henry for their valuable comments and suggestions. The author would also like to thank Flavia Dantas for valuable discussions and suggestions. Any remaining shortcomings and errors are the sole responsibility of the author. 2 THE NATURE OF GOVERNMENT FINANCE IN BRAZIL by FELIPE CARVALHO DE REZENDE University of Missouri–Kansas City November 2007 I. INTRODUCTION The aim of this paper is to focus on the institutional process by which the Brazilian government spends, borrows, and collects taxes. I am going to evaluate the conventional view that taxes finance government spending, that bond sales are financing operations, and that the Brazilian federal government is financially constrained. Section II describes the institutional framework of the Brazilian payment system. In the following section, I am going to demonstrate the accounting entries that are made as the government spends, collects taxes, and issues bonds. I will also show the nature of the coordination between the National Treasury and the Brazilian Central Bank. Section IV evaluates the strategies developed by the Central Bank for minimizing the so-called operating factors and provides policy proposals for Brazil such as the elimination of reserve requirements and the adoption of Treasury Tax and Loan accounts as current utilized by the US government. In Section V, I will briefly discuss the nature and origins of money as emphasized by the credit approach to money and the state money approach. Finally, I will argue that with the floating rate fiat money system adopted in Brazil since 1999 the government only promises to deliver fiat money. This provides sovereignty and policy independency in which the government spends emitting its own liability so that once we understand the way that the system works and the possibilities that are given to domestic policy it allows us to achieve full employment and price stability. 3 II. THE BRAZILIAN PAYMENT SYSTEM The new Brazilian payment system was launched on April 2002 by the Brazilian Central Bank2. The concept of the new Payment System was based upon the guidelines established by the Core Principles for Systemically Important Payment Systems Report and the Recommendations for Securities Settlement Systems, both published by the Bank for International Settlements. The Sistema de Transferencia de Reservas – (Reserves Transfer System) is a real-time gross settlement system (RTGS) for interbank funds transfer in which all payments, including clearinghouses netting results, are settled in reserve accounts. The Reserves Transfer System is operated by the Brazilian Central Bank and any fund transfer among bank reserve accounts depends on sufficient balance of funds in the participant account issuer of the bank order. The inter-bank settlement is made using central bank money. The Special System of Liquidation and Custody (SELIC), which is also operated by the Central Bank, is the central depository for securities issued by the federal government and is used for settling federal government securities. It settles transactions under a real-time delivery versus payment model (DVP Model 1 -Delivery Versus Payment with simultaneous settlement of securities and funds on a gross basis) according to the BIS classification. Note that a real-time gross settlement system is constantly in need of liquidity, since it settles payments transaction by transaction on a real-time basis subject to the availability of sufficient funds. The 2 The aim of the new Brazilian Payment System was the reduction of systemic risk and the improvement of the market infrastructure towards the adoption of the best practices following the international recommendations including BIS/CPSS (Bank for International Settlements/Committee on Payments and Settlement Systems) and IOSCO (International Organization of Securities Commissions). The Reserves Transfer System also requires that banks must maintain positive reserve balances at the Central Bank at all times, significantly reducing credit risk. A real time gross settlement system (STR - Sistema de Transferência de Reservas) and a national messaging system (RSFN – Rede do Sistema Financeiro Nacional) support the functioning of the new infrastructure. (See the World Bank report 2004 for a detailed analysis) 4 participation in the Reserves Transfer System is mandatory for both bank reserves account holders and entities that operate systemically important settlement systems3. The National Treasury also participates in the system, since the Reserves Transfer System settles, among others, funds transfers related to the collection of taxes and federal government expenditures4. The National Treasury operating account is used to register the flows of financial resources from the Fiscal and Social Security budgets. Those resources are deposited at the Brazilian Central Bank, which is by law (Federal Constitution) the only depositary of the National Treasury balances5. In other words, these banks’ reserves accounts are used for clearing among banks, between banks and the National Treasury, the Central Bank and clearinghouses (net settlements transfers from private clearinghouses). In order to understand the nature of government spending and taxing, we have to understand the debiting and crediting of bank accounts. Once we understand what bank 3 According to Brazilian Central Bank Circular 3,057, net positions stemming from systemically important clearing system have to be settled in reserve accounts. Clearinghouses that are considered to be systematically important are also obligated to maintain a bank reserve account at the Central Bank. Entities operating non-systemically important settlement systems can participate in system for reserve transfer as well. By legal disposition (Law 4,595), all banking financial institutions are obligated to deposit their available funds in reserve accounts held at the Central Bank. Also, by disposition of the Central Bank of Brazil (Circular 3,101), all funds transfers between reserve accounts, as well as between reserve accounts and clearinghouse’s settlement accounts have to be made through STR. (See The Brazilian Payment System for a detailed analysis) The STR processes large-value payments for financial and commercial institutions and it also processes final settlements for eight clearinghouses. The total value of payments settled through STR over the year of 2005 was R$ 107.4 trillion. According to the Central Bank, “the weekly turnover in the STR is approximately equal to Brazil’s nominal GDP. It represents one of the ten highest relative turnover systems in the world, and it is roughly equal to the relative values seen in the most advanced systems, such as the Fedwire, operated by the Federal Reserve in the US, or Chaps system in the UK.” (See The Brazilian Payment System for a detailed analysis) 3 “The financial resources of the Brazilian Federal Government must be deposited only at the Central Bank in an interest bearing demand deposit account that pays the average yield of the Brazilian federal government securities debt that the CB holds in its portfolio, mark-to-market excluded. In 2005, the aforementioned yield was 16.11% and 15.28% in 2004.” (BCB Financial Statements 2006, p.37) 4 Note that STR participants input only debit authorizations; it means that the seller authorizesa debit to its custody account and the buyer authorizes a debit to its reserve account. 5 “The financial resources of the Brazilian Federal Government must be deposited only at the Central Bank in an interest bearing demand deposit account that pays the average yield of the Brazilian federal government securities debt that the CB holds in its portfolio, mark-to-market excluded. In 2005, the aforementioned yield was 16.11% and 15.28% in 2004.” (BCB Financial Statements 2006, p.37) 5 reserves are, where they are kept, how this accounting entries are made, what are the implications of a debt to bank reserves positions and a credit to bank reserves positions we will see that government spending always injects banks reserves and that the payment of taxes, on the other hand, reduces banks reserves all else equal. Indeed, when the government spends the National Treasury authorizes the Brazilian Central Bank to make withdrawals from its operating account making resources available at the Banco do Brasil (a state owned commercial bank) which then makes payments to creditors increasing demand deposits and bank reserves6. In Brazil, High Powered Money is issued solely by the Central Bank and is held as currency by the public and reserves by the banking system. It is a government’s IOU in the form of either cash or checking accounts balances at the Central Bank7. In Brazil, taxes are collected throughout the calendar year into the National Treasury operating account kept at the Central Bank in three different ways: taxes receipts that are administered by the Secretaria da Receita Federal (Secretariat of Federal Revenues - Brazilian Tax Authority) are collected using certificates of collection ; taxes receipts that are administered by the social security system are collected using social security certificates of collection through the authorized banking network; and taxes receipts that are directly collected using Union Tax collection documents kept in the Treasury’s reference account held at the Banco do Brasil. It has two days to make the 6 Since 1999 not all government payments are made through Banco do Brasil, with the adoption of Ordem Bancaria para Credito de Reservas Bancarias- Bank Order for Crediting Bank Reserves accounts some payments are made directly to the beneficiary’s account. 7 There are self-imposed constraints that mandate that the National Treasury can not spend without having money in its account or that the creation of permanent spending without a corresponding increase in permanent revenue or a reduction in other permanent spending commitments are prohibited. These constraints on government spending are necessarily self-imposed. When all is said and done, when tax payments are made HPM is destroyed, i.e., the Central Bank debits private’s bank accounts and credit the National Treasury’s single account. 6 credit transfer to the Treasury’s single account held at the Central Bank. When taxes are collected by means of a certificate of collection, the authorized bank network should send the financial resources collected to the National Treasury single account kept at the Central Bank within one day. The authorized bank can hold the tax receipts for just one more day but, in this case, it must pay interest (the Selic overnight interest rate) to the National Treasury. When the Brazilian government spends it does so by crediting bank accounts. This procedure occurs through the emission, in the Integrated System of Federal Government Financial Administration (SIAFI), of a banking order which contains the necessary information for the credit to be deposited in the beneficiary’s account, i.e., it issues a bank order in favor of the creditor8. The effective expenditure will occur in the next day after the issue of the banking orders by the direct administration organs, funds, and autarchies, debiting the National Treasury operating account. This rule allows policymakers to forecast the daily flow of government expenditures and its impact on the money market as well as the control of the cash flows from the Banco do Brasil. III. THE RESERVE EFFECTS OF THE TREASURY OPERATIONS AND THE RESERVE ACCOUNTING ENTRIES The aim of this section is to demonstrate how the Brazilian government spends, that is, how the National Treasury spends and how it collects taxes. I will also evaluate the impact of government spending, taxing and bond sales on aggregate bank reserves and the significance of the resulting reserve effects. As the National Treasury keeps an account at the Brazilian Central Bank (hereafter, BCB), when the treasury spends to buy 8 After that, at the end of the day, an electronic file is created and sent to the Banco do Brasil. When the banking order is processed, the Banco do Brasil credits the beneficiary’s account. This is possible as it is authorized to withdraw the amount from the National Treasury’s single account. Federal payments are executed crediting bank accounts or through the issue of banking orders. 7 goods, services, assets, and to make transfer payments it does so by debiting its account at the BCB. The National treasury’s balance kept at the Central Bank is an asset of the National Treasury and it is a liability, as an account kept in the name of the National Treasury, of the Central Bank. In short, it is a balance owed to the treasury being nothing but an internal claim9. In order to demonstrate how the Brazilian federal government spends, one can use T-accounts to reflect changes in balance sheets. Let us consider the case in which the government must collect taxes (first imposes a tax liability) before it can spend10 (See figure 1 in the Appendix). Note that the banking system is initially at an equilibrium level of reserves in which banks held all the reserves that was required or desired previous to this operation. We know that government spending injects reserves into the banking system. But when citizens pay their taxes bank reserves are destroyed. (Bell, 2000; Bell and Wray, 2002-3; Wray 1998; Forstater and Mosler, 2005; Mosler 1995, 1997-98) In this case, when someone pays its taxes he or she writes a check to the government, for example, of R$100. The liabilities of the taxpayer are going down by R$100. At the same time he or she draws down its assets by R$100 from its demand deposit at a commercial bank. As balance sheets have to balance, the taxpayer’s assets go down by R$100 and his or her liabilities (taxes owned to the government) go down by R$100. The National Treasury receives the tax payment of R$100 in its account at the Central Bank. The National Treasury gets the credit of R$100 to its balance at the Central 9 Thus, operations between the treasury and the Central Bank have no impact on banking system reserves. In fact, the National Treasury balance 'accounts' for taxes collected, funds borrowed, etc. This balance kept at the Central Bank is not part of any monetary aggregate. Only the balance that the commercial bank has at the Central Bank is part of the monetary base. (Bell and Wray 2002-3) 10 As Wray (2003-4) emphasized, the “logic dictates that imposition of tax liabilities must come before there is a demand for the government’s currency (or, for credits to bank accounts)—“taxes drive money” (Wray, 1998). Here we are simply assuming that a tax system, a floating currency, markets and prices denominated in the currency, and a hierarchical monetary system (with HPM at the top) already exist. 8 Bank and the offsetting entry is that the reserves from the taxpayer’s commercial bank will be reduced by R$100 as well. As the government received a tax payment, the reserve balance of the taxpayer’s bank was reduced, i.e., bankreserves were destroyed11. At the same time, the taxpayer’s bank deposit was debited. In short, the payment of taxes, all else equal, leads to a net decline of bank reserves balances; the banking system as a whole is losing reserves. Let us now present the case in which the government must first borrow (sell bonds) before it can spend12 (See figure 2 in the appendix). If the public purchase a newly issued government bond, they simply exchange one asset for another by drawing against its checking account at their commercial bank to pay for the bond. (Wray, 2002-3) Note that the final position is precisely the same as before, that is, government spending injects reserves into the banking system. It spends by crediting bank accounts. When the government is spending the banking system gains reserves and when taxes are paid to the government High Powered Money (HPM) is destroyed. When taxes are paid the Central Bank debits the private bank’s account and credits the National Treasury’s account kept at the Central Bank13. By the same token, when the federal government 11 It should be clear that government tax receipts do not provide funds for government expenditures. As Bell demonstrated, “…in order to get its hands on the proceeds from taxation and bond sales, the government must destroy what it has collected. Clearly, government spending cannot be financed by money that is destroyed when received in payment to the state.” (Bell 2000, p.615) 12 When the National Treasury spends it draws down its balance at the Central Bank. For instance, when the treasury makes a payment for someone of R$100 the person who receives this will get a deposit of equivalent value in a commercial bank. This commercial bank now increases by R$100 the value it owes to one of its client and, as balance sheets have to balance, if the right hand side went up by R$100 the left hand side has also to increase by R$100. The offsetting entry is that the commercial bank gets a balance of R$100 in its account at the Central Bank, i.e., bank reserves have increased by R$100 as well. 13 Note that “when the treasury moves its deposit from the private bank to the central bank, the central bank must debit the private bank’s reserves. However, the private bank does not have (excess) reserves to be debited; hence, the central bank must provide an “overdraft” of loaned reserves. Once the treasury deficit spends, the bank’s reserves are credited, allowing it to retire the overdraft.” (Wray 2003-4, p.317) 9 deficit spends it generates excess reserves in the banking system14. The increase in government spending leads to an injection of bank reserves so that when the government increases its expenditures, the banking system as a whole gains reserves. Thus, when government taxes more than it spends the banking system loses reserves. On the other hand, when the government spends more than it taxes (runs a deficit) the net effect is an injection of bank reserves. It should be clear that neither taxes nor bonds finance government spending. (See for instance Wray 1998; Wray 2003-4; Wray 2003b; Wray 2006a; Bell 2000; Mosler 1995) The picture below shows the National Treasury daily balance since the beginning of 2007. We can see that at the beginning of every month the Treasury usually runs a surplus, that is, government taxes more than it spends. Conversely, we can also see that in some periods of time, usually when the civil servants get paid, taxes receipts are less than government spending. In this case, there would be excess reserves or a net injection of reserves at that period of time, all else equal15. Now, if it was possible to somehow coordinate on a daily basis government spending and taxing then there would be no net effect on bank reserves balances. It means that we would be able to exactly match the increasing of reserves and the losses of reserves so that the balance of bank reserves would not be disturbed. 14 As Wray emphasized, “we have assumed that required (or desired) reserve ratios on the newly created demand deposits are zero, but nothing of significance is changed if we allow for positive reserve holdings. The government would simply sell fewer bonds since fewer reserves would have to be drained.” (Wray 2003-4, p.315) 15 As Bell argued, “It is impossible to perfectly balance (in timing and amount) the government’s receipts with its expenditures. The best the Treasury and the Fed can do is to compare estimates of anticipated changes in the Treasury’s account at the Fed…Errors due to excessive or insufficient tax and loan calls are the norm….When the Treasury is unable to correct these errors on its own, the Federal Reserve may have to offset changes in the Treasury’s closing balance.” (Bell 2000, p.616) In fact, “…daily operations of the treasury would almost always generate either net credits or net debits even if the budget were balanced over the course of the year for the simple reason that tax payments on any given day would differ from government spending on that day.” (Wray 2007, p.26) 10 Figure 3 Source: Brazilian Central Bank Depending upon where we are in the calendar year there is a net injection or a net loss of reserves. Another important point is that the National Treasury daily balance is not balanced, i.e., the disbursements and tax collections are not daily perfectly offset and that the National Treasury balance at the Central Bank is one of the most important operating factors that affect bank reserves balances. Since the net injection of reserves will put a downward pressure on the overnight Selic interest rate16, in order to minimize these effects the Central Bank engages mainly in open market operations to maintain the overnight interest rate close to the target. (Wray 1998; Bell and Wray 2002-03; Bell 2000) 16 The Selic interest rate is the average interest rate on overnight inter-bank loans collateralized by government bonds that are registered with and traded on the Special System of Liquidation and Custody (SELIC). It is the overnight interest rate for repo operations that use government debt as collateral. 11 IV. STRATEGIES DEVELOPED FOR MINIMIZING THE RESERVE EFFECTS In Brazil, since the adoption of the inflation targeting framework for monetary policy in June of 1999, the National Monetary Council (CMN) sets the annual inflation target (measured by the IPCA, a consumer price index), and the Central Bank is responsible to achieve the inflation target set by the National Monetary Council (CMN). In order to achieve its monetary policy objectives, the Monetary Policy Committee (Copom) in its meetings sets the target for the overnight Selic rate. Daily open market operations are undertaken to maintain the overnight interest rate close to the target17. An important definition is that the money market will determine the overnight nominal interest rate18. The Central Bank has three basic instruments to stabilize the bank reserves market: open market operations, discount window, and reserve requirements. Open market operations are undertaken by the Central Bank using federal government debt securities. The factors that affect the total amount of reserves are bond sales/purchases made by the Central Bank or by the treasury; foreign exchange operations; government spending (treasury); tax collection; and currency (coins and paper notes) held by the public19. The 17 Since, “Financial transactions performed throughout the financial system converge to the market of bank reserves. The BCB uses its instruments to influence the market of reserves and, by this means, the level of the basic short-term interest rates. More specifically,the operational objective of the BCB is to keep the trajectory of the SELIC rate, an overnight market-based interest rate, as close as possible to the target established by the COPOM.” (World Bank, 2004, p.85-86) 18 The market of bank reserves is the market of first resort in which banks try to rid themselves of the excess reserves on a daily basis and so if the banking system is flushed of banking reserves it means that there are too many banks willing to lend them but few willing to borrow. The bank reserves market is the arena in which banks with too many reserves find banks with too few reserves and they come together and take over the loans. When there are aggregate excess reserves banks will lend them on the banks reserves market, mostly on an overnight basis and they will be borrowing if they are short of reserves. Note that if “there is an aggregate excess of bank reserves, inter-banking lending cannot eliminate the excess reserves. Only the government can drain these through bond sales [and] if it refuses, overnight rates would immediately fall toward zero.” (Wray 1998, p.103) 19 When the Central Bank purchases dollars, it does so by crediting the account of the seller of the foreign currency asset increasing reserve balances. Conversely, when the Central Bank sells dollars, it debits the account of the buyer so that reserve balances decrease. The effects of these transactions on reserve balances are sterilized, or offset, by open market operations. 12 Central Bank will try to accommodate supply and demand of money on the reserves market to avoid wide fluctuations of the overnight interest rate20. On a daily basis, the Central Bank forecasts the market liquidity needs monitoring the main factors that influence the monetary base and the bank reserves market. Thus, the Brazilian Central Bank drains reserves, mainly through open market operations, to hit the overnight interest target. Open market operations (as well as assets and foreign currency sales) have the advantage to immediately affect the quantity of excess reserves offsetting daily operating factors that influence bank reserves positions maintaining the overnight interest rate close to the target. (See Wray 1998, 2006b) As it will be demonstrated below, bank reserves balances are deeply impacted when there is a net injection of reserves in the banking system. If banks had held all the reserves it desired or required previous to these net injection then they will have excess reserves. Since excess bank reserves do not pay interest, banks are not going to refuse to buy bonds because they prefer interest-earning alternatives rather than non-interest-earning excess reserves. If banks refuse to buy bonds it just means that they have all the reserves required and/or desired. In fact, bond sales simply exchange one asset for another. If the government decides to pay interest on reserves balances 20 The demand for reserves is mainly given by reserve requirements and to settle transactions. For each bank excess reserves represents a loss equivalent of the opportunity cost. In addition, the management of bank reserves must also consider which level of reserves consists the optimum level given reserve requirements and transactions needs. The relevant component of the demand for reserves is the level of reserve requirements defined by the Central Bank. Thus, banks will manage this on their reserve account, since the Central Bank applies a penalty rate given by the overnight Selic rate plus 1400 basis points per year. As noted by Mosler (1995), “reserve requirements… are a means by which the Federal Reserve controls the price of funds which bank lends” To sum up, we could call this the opportunity cost of excess reserves and that this rate reflects the supply and demand in the money market. Note that "reserves balances only settle payments or meet reserve requirements means that the demand for them is insensitive to changes in the federal funds rate." (Fullwiler, 2005 p.545) The supply of reserves is affected by changes in the following: bond sales and purchases undertaken by the BCB and/or by the National Treasury, The Central Bank’s operations in the foreign exchange market; National Treasury deposits and withdrawals; Money in circulation (held by the public); open market operations; net redemptions of government securities and so on. 13 instead of selling bonds nothing is changed because bonds are reserves that earn interest, there is no difference between the two (See Wray 1998; Fullwiler 2005). The picture below shows the daily balances of operating factors from the beginning of 2007 to the third quarter of 2007. During this period, bank reserves daily average around R$ 36 billions. As the National Treasury receipts and expenditures do not perfectly offset one another and that, in fact, they can differ by more than R$10 billion that would represent, all else equal, a one day increase in banking reserves to R$46 billions. Such a sharp increment is likely to result in a zero bidding condition in the banking reserves market putting a downward pressure on the overnight nominal interest rate. Figure 4 Source: Brazilian Central Bank 14 Market liquidity is also mainly impacted by the purchase of foreign currency in the domestic market by the Central Bank to increase the level of international reserves. The problem is that when there are aggregate excess reserves in the banking system all banks want to lend them resulting in a zero bid condition in the money market. Note that such wide fluctuations mean that the Central Bank has a lot of work to do in order to minimize the daily operating factors that have an impact on bank reserves balances. In order to keep the overnight interest rate close to the target, the Central Bank undertakes daily open market operations, mainly through bond sales, to drain these excess reserves. Figure 5 Source: Brazilian Central Bank As the picture above shows, open market operations are meant to maintain the overnight nominal interest rate close to the interest rate target. As Mosler pointed out, “as long as the Fed has a mandate to maintain a target fed funds rate, the size of its purchases 15 and sales of government debt are not discretionary.” Indeed, “Open market operations act as buffers around the target fed funds rate.” (Mosler, 1995) In addition, “As overdrafts in reserve accounts are prohibited in Brazil, cash flow deficiencies are financed either through the market or with the BCB. Both charge penalty rates, except for intraday rediscount operations with the BCB.” (World Bank 2004, p.86) In short, intra-day overdrafts in bank reserves balances are not allowed even during trading hours21. The coordination between the National Treasury and the Brazilian Central Bank helps to minimize the reserve effects of government taxing and spending. It does not provide finance so that government can spend. As a matter of logic the federal government is not spending tax revenue, since taxes are collected by debiting bank accounts. It means that banks reserves are destroyed; the state is eliminating its own IOU. Government spending in excess of tax revenue injects extra reserves into the banking system putting a downward pressure on the overnight interest rate. Throughout the day the overnight Selic rate can move away from the target but if it looks like the overnight Selic interest rate is lower than the target, the Central Bank intervenes using open market operations as the main tool for liquidity adjustment of the system. What they do is that they drain these excess reserves by selling bonds in order to be as close as possible to the nominal interest rate target. (Wray 2003, 2006b) This is called offsetting operating factors and what the Central Bank is actually doing is offeringan interest bearing alternative (treasury securities) as opposed to non interest bearing accounts at the Central Bank (reserve accounts). Selling securities are just an interest rate maintenance operation; it is not a finance operation. Thus the government debt publicly held can be seen as an 21 Intraday credit lines, such as repurchase agreements (repos and reverse repos, were developed in the SELIC to enhance liquidity in the secondary market. (See The Brazilian Payment System, 2004) 16 interest rate maintenance account. (Mosler, 1995; Mosler, 1997-98; Wray, 1998) It should be clear that the Brazilian government is not financially constrained neither revenue constrained nor reserve-constrained. (Bell, 2000; Wray, 1998; Bell and Wray, 2002-2003) Even though the National Treasury believes that it issues bonds to meet fiscal policy needs, we demonstrated that when a payment is made to the National Treasury the bank reserve account of the institution on which the payment is drawn is debited and the National Treasury account kept at the Brazilian Central Bank is credited so that this transaction drains reserve balances from the banking system. Indeed, bond sales are undertaken by the government (National Treasury and/or the Central Bank) to drain excess reserves and hit the overnight interest rate target. In fact, it is a monetary policy operation rather than a financing operation. In the absence of daily open market operations the overnight interest rate would fall to zero22. By contrast, the conventional view suggests that when the government is running budget deficits it is borrowing from the nongoverment sector and that borrowing pushes up the overnight nominal interest rate23. In Brazil, since the introduction of the real time gross settlement payment system that is in constant need of liquidity, the Central Bank allowed the use of reserve requirements during the operating day for payment and settlement purposes. Therefore, only balances at the end of day are used to meet reserve requirements. Another important 22 Note that we “…do not deny that government’s ability to sell government bonds (in other words, to substitute interest-earning bonds for non-interest earning HPM) might be somewhat interest rate sensitive. At a low interest rate, many of those with HPM might prefer to remain fully liquid; at a high interest rate, most might prefer to hold government bonds over HPM.” Wray (2001) What we can deny “is that the government deficit places upward pressure on interest rates” Wray (2001). 23 It does so in sort of a loanable funds argument. Because the government is borrowing up on the savings, the private firms are competing with the government and it is pushing all the interest rates up. This argument completely misunderstands the nature of government finance. In the real world, “unless [the] government drains excess reserves that can result from deficit spending, the overnight rate will be driven toward zero. This is because excess HPM will always flow first to banks [and] Banks with excess reserves offer them in the fed funds market, but find no bidders — hence the fed funds rate will be quickly driven toward zero…this [was] how the Bank of Japan [kept] the overnight rate at zero in the presence of huge government deficits: all it [needed] to do [was] to keep some excess reserves in the system.” Wray (2001) 17 source of liquidity is that the Brazilian Central Bank extends fully collateralized, unlimited and free of charge intraday credit to banks holding reserve accounts. It means that the Central Bank provides an intraday credit facility such as a zero-interest intraday repo fully collateralized in government securities (with a haircut). If the intraday repurchase agreement is not repaid, it turns into overnight repo automatically, that is the Selic rate plus 600 basis points p.y. (See figure below). Since May 2002, all open market operations are conducted using National Treasury securities because, in compliance to the Fiscal Responsibility Law, the Central Bank has ceased to issue securities and the National Treasury is the sole issuer of federal securities. In this context, the Central Bank only undertakes secondary market operations for policy purposes. In fact, National Treasury’s public bond sales and Central Bank’s open market operations are both part of the monetary policy strategy24. Bonds are issued on the domestic market through public offerings (auctions) to financial institutions, public offerings to individuals (called Treasury Direct), and direct issuances for specific reasons, as defined by law. The intervention of the Central Bank in managing market liquidity is reflected mainly by variations in the account balances of repos and reverse repos. 24 For this purpose the Brazilian Central Bank, “projects and monitors bank’s liquidity needs in two ways. First, the BCB’s Open Market Operations Department (Demab) prepares daily and monthly forecasts for the main factors that influence the monetary base and the bank reserves market. Basically, these factors are: cash deposits and withdrawals from the banking system by the public; Federal Government tax receipts and expenditures, bank reserve requirements, the issuance and redemption of government (National Treasury and/or the BCB) securities; foreign exchange operations (purchase and sale of foreign currency) undertaken by the BCB. Second, the BCB monitors daily liquidity conditions by consulting 52 financial institutions on an ongoing basis.” (Brazilian Central Bank 2007, Investor Relations Group) 18 Figure 6 BCB’s Liquidity Facilities: Operational Types, Maturities, and Costs Source: World Bank 2004, p.87 Open market operations are undertaken to offset the daily impacts on the banking reserve positions25. They sell how many bonds it takes to get the overnight Selic rate close to the target. As long as the Central Bank sets an overnight interest target, it does not have a choice in implementing monetary policy in this scenario. The Central Bank cannot be independent of the National Treasury so long as it wants to hit its overnight nominal interest rate target; this means it must accommodate the treasury's balance sheet eliminating any financial constraint on the National Treasury. The frequency of the informal auctions that the Central bank performs depends on daily liquidity conditions 25 The management of liquidity is mainly done through short-term repurchase agreements (repos); it executes repos at informal electronic auctions (known in Brazil as “go-around” auctions) in which only primary dealers participate. According to Figueiredo at all, “participation in auctions is restricted to financial institutions keeping an account in the SELIC, which is an electronic book-entry system that controls the custody and registers all operations regarding domestic government securities. The two parties (buyer and seller) must input every transaction in the SELIC and the system makes a two-sided matching of their commands. The seller’s position in securities and the buyer’s position in bank reserves are checked. The transaction is settled in a DVP (Delivery versus Payment) basis, if and only if securities and cash are immediately available”. (Figueiredo, Fachada, Goldenstein 2002 , p.84) 19 and/or monetary policy decisions, and they can be used to add or withdraw liquidity. Depending on demand, several auctions may be executed in a single day26. To sum up, taxes and bond sales do not finance Brazilian government spending. Open market operations are used to stabilize the bank reserve market and hit the overnight interest rate target; it is just aninterest rate maintenance operation. The Central Bank also uses reserve requirements to absorb excess reserves. However, as I will demonstrate in the following section, some required reserves such as on demand deposits do not earn interest so that this necessarily reduces banks profitability. IV.1 THE ROLE OF HIGH RESERVES REQUIREMENTS In Brazil, the Central Bank adopts both remunerated and non-remunerated required reserves. Required reserves on demand deposits are not remunerated. Required reserves on time and savings deposits are remunerated. Financial institutions may be required to meet reserves requirements in cash or in federal public securities. Since August 2002, the Central Bank implemented the so-called additional reserve requirements on demand, time, and savings deposits. The actual reserve requirements ratios are: 45% on demand deposits kept in cash at the Central Bank27; 15% on time deposits (reserves in public bonds) in which banks obtain the reserve requirement by deducting R$30 millions of its time deposits and then applying the corresponding 26 Furthermore, since February 2003, “the BCB can also interfere in the money market by performing, at its discretion, the so-called operações de nivelamento whereby the BCB’s open-market operations desk announces to all market participants that it is ready to take or offer unrestricted amounts of reserves through overnight repurchase or reverse repurchase agreements at specified penalty rates. These operations target those banks that have not been able to level their reserve positions in the market during the day and, when made available by the BCB, are often performed at the end of the day, when the secondary market of reserves is about to close.” (World Bank 2004, p.87-88) Note that, “The operações de nivelamento should not be confused with the informal auctions (go-arounds) that the open-market operations desk performs as part of the BCB’s overall monetary policy management to offset liquidity fluctuations generated by central bank cash flow. (World Bank 2004, p.87) 27 Required reserves on demand deposits are calculated considering the average (demand deposits) daily balances by deducting R$44 million of bank’s demand deposits and then it applies the corresponding percentage 45% (institutions with RR under R$ 10 millions are exempt). 20 percentage (15%); and 20% on savings deposits that can be met in currency (that in this case pays interest) or in securities. For the additional reserve requirements the ratios are: 8% on demand deposits, 8% on time deposits, and 10% on savings deposits. There is a deduction of R$ 100 million applied to the amount calculated (demand resources, time deposits and saving deposits). Additional reserve requirements constitute an interest bearing (the SELIC interest rate) account28. The calculation period for demand deposits is comprised of two consecutive weeks, starting on Monday of the first week ending on Friday of the second week. Also, for the calculation period, there is a one week lag between groups A and B. The settlement period starts on Wednesday of the second week of the calculation period to Tuesday of the following week. Note that the settlement period is also of two consecutive weeks and it overlaps with the last three days of the calculation period. During the settlement period (there is also a one week lag between groups A and B), the daily required reserves balances that must be held in a non-interest bearing account can not be lower than 80% of the average balance daily required. If daily balances of required reserves are overdrawn by more than 20%, the cost of this deficiency is the overnight interest rate plus 1400 basis points. Note that since the introduction (September, 2001) of reserve requirements on time deposits and the additional reserve requirements as a remunerated balance (August, 2002) there is a sharp increase in the reserve requirements that are remunerated (interest bearing balances) (See figure below). Given high reserve requirements on demand deposits and considering that they are not remunerated, banks 28 See the following Brazilian Central Bank current regulations on the rates, deductions and reserve requirements: a) on demand deposits, see Circular 3199; b) on time deposits, see Circular 3091 and 3127; c) on additional reserve requirements (demand deposits, time deposits and savings account deposits), Circular 3157. 21 must economize on deposits or keep them as low as possible since non-interest bearing requirements are costly to banks and can encourage substitution to other forms of liquidity for bank deposits29. Figure 7 Source: Brazilian Central Bank Not surprisingly, as the figure below shows, banks started to encourage their clients to use time and savings deposits since they constitute interest bearing balances as opposed to demand deposits that are non interest bearing balances (the exception is the case of additional requirements in which as said above 8% are remunerated). These 29 In Brazil reserve requirements have been used by the Central Bank as a tool to constraint credit expansion and thus it is seen as an alternative to help stabilize prices. However, reserve requirements place no significant constraint on lending. Banks extend loans and create deposits. In order to hit the overnight interest rate, the Central Bank must accommodate the extra demand of bank reserves. It means that Central Bank behavior is not discretionary. In fact, non remunerated reserve requirements are a cost that contributes to the level of bank spreads. Thus lower reserve requirements can help reduce bank spreads and interest rates charged on loans. 22 changes have been the result of banks reactions to profit opportunities in the money market. (See Wray 1990 for a similar analysis) Figure 8 Source: BCB Brazilian Central Bank Finally we can see the evolution of interest bearing balances opposed to non interest bearing balances (figure below). As of January 2000, the total of balances that were remunerated corresponded to 50% of the total balances (both remunerated and non- remunerated). On the other hand, as of January 2007 the total of balances that were remunerated corresponded to 75% of the total balances. It corresponds to a situation in which the Central Bank decides to pay interest on different types of reserve balances (demand, time and savings deposits). In fact, it would be a lot easier for the Central Bank to adopt this procedure. In order to stabilize the bank reserves market, the Brazilian Central Bank could adopt the framework that is used in Canada in which there is an 23 explicit operating band for the overnight rate that constitutes an upper limit and a lower limit for desired target for the nominal overnight rate so that this band allows the overnight interest rate to fluctuate within a range of 50 basis points (above or below the nominal overnight rate target). (See Fullwiler 2005 for a detailed analysis) Figure 9 Source: Brazilian Central Bank Furthermore, the Central Bank can successfully maintain the overnight rate within its announced operating target band without relying on reserve requirements30. As Sellon and Weiner argued, “The experience of Canada, the United Kingdom, and New Zealand 30 The Central Bank would pay interest on excess reserves balances (see Fullwiler 2005). As noticed by Mosler (1995),”the Interest Rate Maintenance Account (IRMA)…could consist entirely of overnight deposits by member banks of the Fed, and the Fed could support the fed funds rate by paying interest on all excess reserves.” The Central Bank could create a band corridor inwhich the overnight interest rate would fluctuate. As Sellon and Weiner emphasized, in Canada “clearing institutions with a settlement balance deficiency at the end of the day [would] be able to finance this deficiency by obtaining a collateralized overdraft at the Bank Rate. The Bank Rate will serve as the upper end of the operating range for the overnight rate since institutions would be unlikely to pay more than the Bank Rate to secure additional settlement balances. Similarly, the Bank will pay interest on positive balances held at the end of the day at a rate 50 basis points below the Bank Rate. This rate paid on settlement balances will serve as the lower end of the operating range since institutions would not accept a lower rate on positive balances in the market. (Sellon and Weiner, 1997 p.12) 24 shows that monetary policy can be conducted without the use of reserve requirements” (Sellon and Weiner 1997, p.22) As reserve requirements constitute a tax on banks, the Central Bank could eliminate reserve requirements and pay interest on positive balances (it could be 50 basis points below the overnight interest rate). This would serve as a lower limit for the overnight interest rate since banks would not accept a lower rate on positive balances. (Fullwiler, 2005; Sellon and Weiner 1997) In coordinating taxes and government spending to try to manage the reserve effects of those two operations, it gives the illusion that the government must somehow match tax receipts with government expenditures. It helps to foster the misleading idea that taxes are needed to finance government spending and that the coordination between the treasury and the Central Bank is done to meet fiscal policy needs. It supports the conventional view that taxes finance government spending because, otherwise, why would the government work so hard to make sure that taxes receipts come in to offset government spending? But, as I have argued, the coordination between the National Treasury and the Central Bank is done for practical reasons to minimize the effects on bank reserve positions. Government spends crediting bank accounts and collects taxes by debiting them. This is the way it is actually done, that is, how the government spends and collects taxes31. Furthermore, as it is impossible for the National Treasury to accurately forecast its receipts and expenditures on a daily basis the Central Bank and the National 31 As Wray affirmatively pointed out, “The government does not ‘need’ to ‘borrow’ its own HPM in order to deficit spend. This becomes obvious if one recognizes that government bond sales are logically impossible unless a) there already exist some accumulated HPM with which the public can buy the government bonds, or b) government lends HPM used by the public to buy the government bonds, or c) government creates some other mechanism to ensure that sales of bonds to the public do not lead to a debit of bank reserves of HPM. Therefore, government bond sales cannot really ‘finance’ government deficits.” Wray (2001) 25 Treasury work closely to minimize the operating factors that impact bank reserves balances. Since in Brazil tax payments are deposited directly into the National Treasury account kept at the Central Bank, we observe large daily fluctuations in the bank reserves market. This leads to wide swings in the net reserve positions and disruptions to the overnight nominal interest rate, all else equal. In order to minimize those disruptions to the bank reserves position, we may propose strategies that have been developed in the US, such as allow the Treasury to keep its accounts in banks outside the Central Bank, to try to better coordinate the flow of government receipts and expenditures. This would minimize the frequency and the size of interventions made by the Central Bank. IV-2. ALTERNATIVE MEANS OF DRAINING EXCESS RESERVES FROM THE BANKING SYSTEM: A PROPOSAL FOR BRAZIL There are a number of strategies to help the treasury to minimize the impact of those daily operations on the money market. In the US, the main tool that has been developed to help the government to better coordinate the inflow of tax receipts and the outflow from government spending is the use of Treasury Tax and Loan (TT&L) accounts. These are treasury bank accounts kept at specific private banks all across the country32. If a bank is designated as a special depository it can hold those accounts in the name of the US government. The other strategy adopted is the coordination with the Federal Reserve, and finally the management of these two. Even the orthodoxy has recognized that: 32 These banks are sometimes called special depositories. There are certain criteria that the bank must meet in order to become a special depository. One of the requirements to be a special depository is that a bank agrees to hold a certain amount of government debt so that it is guaranteeing a buyer for government bonds in having a bank designated as special depository. 26 “Given the institutional idiosyncrasy that tax and loans accounts must be in the Central Bank (this is a constitutional clause), the Central Bank has a lot of work deriving from the administration of the Treasury’s accounts. In days when the civil servants get paid, the Treasury first transfers the funds to the banks, and the Central Bank must conduct contractionary open market operations to mop up the banks’ excess liquidity until actual payments are made. Conversely, in days were [sic] the banks are due to transfer to the Treasury the taxes they have collected, the Central Bank must conduct expansionary open market operations to replenish the banks with reserves. If it did not act in this way, the basic interest rate would fluctuate wildly. This is a very interesting feature of the Brazilian monetary system: because the interest rate would fluctuate too much if the Central Bank did not intervene often, it ends up intervening so strongly as to shut off completely any intraday variability in the basic interest rate.” (Garcia 2002) In the United States, when the private sector makes payments to the IRS most of them does not go directly to the Treasury account at the Fed. Most of the receipts are deposited into the Treasury Tax and Loan (TT&L) accounts. When the private sector makes its tax payment during the clearing process the IRS sends the check to one of the over ten thousand banks in which these special accounts are kept in the name of the treasury helping the treasury to coordinate its taxing and spending. “In this case, tax payments merely move reserves within the banking system.” (Wray 1998, p.115) The Treasury goal is to maintain US$ 5 billion in its account at the FED. The Fed and the Treasury are in daily contact so that they can forecast the impact of government taxing and spending on its account. (Bell 2000) For instance, they try to predict how much is going to be deposited directly to its account in the following days and how much it is going to be presented for payment. Based on this forecast they anticipate the flow of funds to its account so that they use their tax and loan (TT&L) accounts to transfer 27 money over33. It means that calls are schedule based on forecasts about how much is going to be presented for payment the following day, the following week, and so on. Based on these forecasts the Fed will schedule calls in order to minimize the impacts on reserves. As Wray argued, “The simultaneity of the transfer from tax and loan accounts and Treasury spending is due to necessity of stabilizing bank reserves.” (Wray, 1998, p.116) If the Treasury forecasts that it will end up having checks cleared (that is, outstanding checks are going to be presented for payment) the result is that they aregoing to be short by the same amount. If they forecast that they will end up below their target they place a call on this account. They call up in order to transfer money from TT&L accounts to its account at the Fed. This transfer causes banks to lose reserves. The goal is to minimize the impact on bank reserves and to avoid daily disruptions on the fed funds market requiring as little intervention as possible by the Fed. If they forecast that tax receipts will increase much more than disbursements, the Fed can anticipate that the banking system will be short of reserves so that they use open market operations to inject reserves to the level desired to hit the overnight interest rate target. When the government anticipates deficit spending it sells bonds in order to minimize the reserve effects of the Treasury operations on bank reserves position. The treasury announces that it will auction government securities specifying which of these bonds are eligible for purchase by the special depositories and what percentage of these bonds is eligible for purchase by crediting TT&L accounts. When bonds are sold in advance to banks, those funds can be 33 As noted by Bell and Wray, “…since calls on TT&L accounts are scheduled in advance, and actual tax receipts cannot be known with certainty, the reserve effect cannot be completely neutralized. When, for example, too few funds are transferred from TT&L accounts, the reserve injection from government spending will outweigh the reserve drain and the overnight lending rate will decline.” When this happens the government can “…sell bonds to banks or the nonbank public in exchange for existing deposits… whereby they will serve as an ex post coordination tool.” (Bell and Wray 2002-3, p.268) 28 transferred simultaneously with the government spending so that there is a destruction of money and creation of money at the same time so that the disruption on the bank reserves is minimized helping to stabilize the fed funds market. (See Bell 2000; Wray 1998 for detailed analyses) Since in Brazil the most important monetary tool that has been used is the auction system used for National Treasury's public offerings and Central Bank's open market operations, it results that it has to intervene more frequently in order to stabilize the bank reserves market. All of these machinations help to foster the belief that the National Treasury is somehow following this procedure to ensure it will have enough receipts to pay its bills on a daily basis by coordinating flows and outflows. However, as I have demonstrated, the National Treasury does not need to issue bonds to meet fiscal policy needs. In other words, “the federal government does not need to have its own IOU returned before it can spend; rather the nongoverment sector needs the government IOU before it can pay taxes”. (Wray, 1998. p.116) V. THE CREDIT APPROACH TO MONEY AND THE STATE MONEY APPROACH The credit approach to money emphasizes that there is a bilateral relation between debtor and creditor and they are denominated in the unit of account. When a credit is issued, it is an IOU, and the law of credit requires that they have to be accepted back by the issuer so that if someone issues an IOU he has to agree to accept his/her own IOUs back in payment. The IOUs have to reflux back to the issuer so that if someone is able to obtain an IOU and somehow they have got a debt to the issuer they can always retire their debt to this person that issued the IOU by delivering to the issuer one of his own IOUs 29 and he/she has to accept it (Innes 1913, 1914). From this perspective, government debts are the same way. When the government issues IOUs the government has to accept them back in payment. If the government issues an IOU and if someone has a debt to the government, the government has to accept it back in payment. This is the fundamental nature of credit and debt so that this applies not only to the private issuers but also to the public issuers (Innes 1913, 1914; Wray, 1998, 2003a, 2004, 2006a, 2007). The unique difference between the government issuer of the IOUs and the private issuer of the IOUs is that the government has the ability to impose a tax liability on the public. It has the power to impose a tax liability and this is called sovereign power. The government first puts the population in debt and then issues IOUs that the population can use to retire their debt. Government money is used by the population to retire their IOUs, such as taxes denominated in the state unit of account, and then the population has to work to get those IOUs in order to pay their taxes. In other words, the government imposes taxes denominated in the state unit of account and then issues money things that are used by the public to pay their taxes. This implies that government money refluxes in tax payments. The value of the government money is then determined by what people have to do to get it. We can say that taxes back the domestic currency. (See Wray 1998; 2003a, 2004, 2006a, 2007) On the other hand, the conventional wisdom emphasizes a barter economy in which money fulfills its role as a medium of exchange to lubricate the market mechanism increasing efficiency and reducing transactions costs. From this perspective, money is neither a social relation nor an institution. Instead, it is developed by the market, in which individuals are utility-maximizers, to reduce transaction costs and to increase efficiency. 30 In order to give value to the currency, they argue, money is denominated in some commodity that has an intrinsic ‘natural’ value such as precious metal (mainly gold). The value of money is then determined by the gold used to produce coins or by the gold backing paper notes. Under a gold standard, the government is committed to delivery gold and this is a true debt burden because the future generations are going to have to come up with gold in case people want to convert government’s IOU into gold. Thus, in a gold standard there is a real burden involved in government deficits, the government really is borrowing. If a nation is not operating under a gold standard, that is if they adopt a fiat money system, then it is argued by orthodox economists that it is necessary to impose constraints on both fiscal and monetary authorities in order to ensure that it operates in a manner similar to the gold standard. It means that the monetary authority should adopt a monetary growth rule, constraints on the fiscal authorities to run budget deficits and ensure that it can run balanced budget. These are required in order to remove discretion from the government and ensure that the economy operates under its ‘natural’ laws. In addition, the conventional wisdom believes that the government faces a budget constraint according to which government spending is financed by a combination of taxes, borrowing or money creation. (Wray 1998, 2006a) By contrast, the chartalist approach argues that governments can always buy anything for sale in their own currency by issuing currency. In a modern money economy, in which a nation issues its own currency operating a floating exchange rate, the government is not liable to deliver anything to retire its debt. The government is only liable to accept its money back in payment of taxes (Knapp 1924; Wray 1998, 2006a, 2007). In other words, the state chooses the unit of account. It could be a purely notional 31 unit of account that does not have any physical substance. Actually, when the Brazilian government spends it issues money things, currency denominated in the Real -the Brazilian unit of account- so that we have coins, paper money, and bank reserves but all of these are liabilities of the federal government. In Brazil, the federal constitution dictates thatthe Central Bank exercises exclusively the authority to issue money things, the Real. It follows that private institutions also create money things denominated in the state unit of account- the Real. Thus, bank liabilities, such as bank deposits, are privately created money things denominated in the state unit of account. The money supply privately created is endogenous since banks extend loans and create demand deposits to creditworthy clients (See Wray 1998, 2007 for detailed analyses). In addition, there is clearly a monetary hierarchy that drives clearing. Almost everyone needs government liabilities and they are the only thing that the government accepts back in payment34. (Wray 1998; Bell 2000, 2001) When firms and households make tax payments to the government they are going all the way from the very bottom of the hierarchy and they have to make a payment to the top of the hierarchy. Note that the state is neither going to accept private’s IOUs nor they are really going to accept banks’ IOUs. When the public makes tax payments to the treasury using private bank accounts banks are going to make payments to the treasury using reserves to pay citizens’ taxes. In fact, people go first to the middle of the hierarchy and then banks go to the top the hierarchy for them. Banks do 34 Furthermore, taxes create and maintain the demand for government money, government spending creates government money and bonds sales maintain the desired interest rate. (Forstater, Mosler 2005; Wray 1998; Bell 2000) It does not provide the government resources or an asset that they can spend. It allows them to destroy money at the same rate as they create it; it allows the state to offset the creation of money with some destruction of it. Neither taxes nor bond sales finance government spending; they are altogether different ways by which the government can drain reserves. 32 not pay the government with bank’s own liabilities because the government is not going to accept them. (Wray 1998; Bell 2001) VI. CONCLUSION Abba Lerner argued that there are two principles of functional finance. The first principle is that the government should not use tax revenue in order to finance its spending; rather taxes should be increased only if the non-government sector has too much income. In other words, the government should not raise taxes to balance its budget it should only raise taxes if the public has too much income. The purpose of taxes is not to finance government spending, it is to destroy income. The second principle is that the government should sell bonds only if the non-government sector has too much money. (Lerner, 1943) If the public has too much money, the interest rates would fall to zero. It means that there is an increase in bank reserves so that banks will try to lend these excess in the overnight market, pushing down the interest rate. In order to drain excess reserves from the banking system, the government sells bonds. By contrast, the loanable funds argument is that the budget deficit is absorbing saving and pushing up the interest rate35. This argument is misleading because, in the first place, budget deficits increase bank reserves and, all else equal, it would actually cause the overnight interest rate to fall to zero. Second, budget deficits create savings, it is an injection. A sovereign government operating under a floating exchange rate regime does not really “borrow”. Rather, deficits allow positive net saving by the non-government sector (Wray 1998). When the 35 This idea of loanable funds markets suggests that there are some financial resources available so that the government enters in competition with private borrowers. From this point of view, when the government sells bonds it is borrowing from these limited funds of resources and that is an additional demand. This argument does not hold because the tendency would be that when a modern government deficit spends it puts a downward pressure on the overnight interest rate. Modern government spends by crediting private bank accounts and taxes by debiting them. When government is spending it injects High Powered Money in the banking system. Government bonds are sold to drain excess reserves and hit the overnight interest rate target. 33 government runs a deficit it is spending more than it taxes allowing positive net savings in the form of government liabilities. Government deficits increase savings in a particular form, in the form of either reserves or government bonds. Note that this saving is in the safest and most liquid asset one can have. If a budget deficit is associated with rising overnight interest rate is not because deficits are pushing the interest rate up, it is because the Central Bank reacts to a budget deficit by raising the overnight nominal interest rate target so that it is a policy reaction. In the real world, we observe that when the government runs a deficit the Central Bank raises the interest rate because they believe that deficits are inflationary. In order to offset the expansionary stimulus that comes from a budget deficit the Central Bank raises the overnight interest rate to try to slow down the economy. It is a policy response and there is nothing automatic about this36. (See Wray, 2003, 2006, 2006a, 2006b) However, under a floating exchange rate fiat money system the government only promises to deliver fiat money and that cannot be a burden. The government spends emitting its own liability. It is just a promise to pay. What backs the government liability is that, like any liability, it must reflux back to the issuer and it is redeemable by the mechanism of taxation. (Sardoni and Wray 2007; Wray 2006, 2006c; Innes 1914) “In reality, government cannot really “spend” tax receipts which are just reductions of its outstanding liabilities” (Wray 2006). Only money things denominated in the state unit of account will be used to retire the tax liability, that is, the government must accept them 36 In addition, the conventional view argues that taxes are necessary to pay for government spending and that bonds sales are a borrowing operation. They emphasize that government spending must be financed by tax revenues, borrowing, or printing money. As we have seen, in reality, the government budget constraint notion is not an operational constraint on government spending. Neither taxes nor bonds finance government spending. The purpose of taxes is first to create a demand for government’s money and second to remove extra income that the public is using that can cause inflation. The purpose of bonds sales is to allow the central bank to reach its overnight interest rate target. Bond sales are part of the monetary policy. 34 back in payment37. As Wray pointed out, “the state has first exerted its sovereignty by imposing a tax liability on the private sector—which, ultimately, is the reason that the non-government sector will accept government liabilities as payment for the goods and services government buys.” (Wray 2002, p.32) Thus, it is meaningless to discuss about debt or fiscal sustainability and federal government solvency38. We should note that with the introduction of the Brazilian Fiscal Responsibility Law there are ‘borrowing’ limits and other constrains but these are self imposed constraints. This does not mean that the government deficit cannot be too big but it does mean that the deficits do not burden even the government or taxpayers, rather federal government deficits allow the non-government sector to net save in the form of government’s IOUs. Those government’s IOUs will be serviced the same way that government spends on anything, that is, by crediting bank accounts. The government’s abilityto credit bank accounts is unlimited. Thus, a sovereign government that issues its own currency under a flexible exchange rate regime cannot become insolvent. There is no burden at all involved in a budget deficit ran by a country with a sovereign currency that adopts a floating exchange rate system. (See Bell 2000, Mosler 1995; Wray 1998, 2003c, 2006, 2006a, 2006c for detailed analyses) Second, the effect of budget deficits on the value of the domestic currency is that as budget deficits allow the domestic economy to grow faster than the rest of the world is growing then a trade deficit could result. One of the primary arguments against running twin deficits (a trade deficit and a budget deficit) is that it burdens the nation by 37 See Wray 1998 and 2006 for a detailed analyses 38 On fiscal rules, debt sustainability, government solvency and the Fiscal Responsibility Law see Goldfajn, Guardia. “Fiscal Rules and Debt Sustainability in Brazil” Technical Note 39, Brasília: Central Bank of Brazil, 2003. Available at http://www.bcb.gov.br/ 35 increasing indebtedness. This argument reflects the confusion of a fixed exchange rate and a floating exchange rate system. If a nation is operating under a gold standard, a currency board, or a fixed exchange rate, a government deficit could commit the delivery of gold (or the anchor currency) and that is a true debt burden because the future generations are going to have to come up with gold (or the anchor currency) in case people want to convert government’s IOUs into gold (or the anchor currency). Thus, in a gold standard there is a real burden involved in government deficits, the government is really borrowing. (See Wray 1998, 2006, 2006a, 2006b, 2006c; Mosler 1995) The rules of the game that other nations are operating under, mostly self imposed, would be consisted with a fixed exchange rate system. In fact, some countries do have fixed exchange rate regimes. However, the rules of the game are completely different or should be completely different with a flexible exchange rate system. Under this system it does not make sense to operate the economy so as to produce continuous trade surplus to accumulate dollars, this is not necessary with a floating exchange rate system. In order to countries understand that we have a paradigm shift, they have to move from the theory and policy that is applicable to fixed exchange rate systems, non-sovereign governments, to a new paradigm of sovereignty and policy independence. Once we understand the way that the system works and the possibilities that are given to domestic policy, it allows us to achieve full employment and price stability. 36 REFERENCES Bell, Stephanie A. 2000. “Do Taxes and Bonds Finance Government Spending?” Journal of Economic Issues, vol. 34, no. 3 (September): 603-620. _____. 2001. “The Role of the State and the Hierarchy of Money.” Cambridge Journal of Economics 2001, 25, 149-163. Bell, Stephanie A. and L. 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"Currency Sovereignty and the Possibility of Full Employment", in Buenos Aires, Argentina at the 6th Congres o Nacional de Estudios del Trabajo, 14 August 2003. _____. 2002. “State Money”, in International Journal of Political Economy, 32(3), Fall 2002, pp. 23-40. _____. 1998. Understanding Modern Money: The Key to Full Employment and Price Stability. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar. _____. 1990. Money and Credit in Capitalist Economies: The Endogenous Money Approach, Aldershot: Edward Elgar Publishing, Ltd., November 1990. World Bank. 2004. “Payments and Securities Clearance and Settlement Systems in Brazil”. Available at http://www.forodepagos.org 06/30/2007 38 APPENDIX
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