Space Of Flows

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Space of Flows 
 
Manuel Castells 
 
 
 
Marieke Francke S0520039 
Else Ham S0520047 
 
Geographical Approaches 
26/01/2006 
 
Contents 
 
 
1. Biography ................................................................................................ 3 
 
 
2. Introduction on Space of Flows.................................................................... 4 
 
 
3. Manuel Castells & Space of Flows................................................................. 5 
 
3.1. The New Industrial Space ................................................................. 5 
 
3.2. End of Cities?.................................................................................. 6 
 
3.3. The Informational City...................................................................... 6 
 
3.4. Space of Flows ................................................................................ 8 
 
3.5. Places and Non-Places...................................................................... 9 
 
 
4. Other Thinkers.......................................................................................... 10 
 
4.1. John Urry ....................................................................................... 10 
 
4.2. Anthony Giddens ............................................................................. 10 
 
 
5. Space of Flows in Everyday Life................................................................... 11 
 
 
Sources 12 
 
 
 3 
Biography 
 
 
Manuel Castells was born in Spain in 1942. He grew up in Barcelona where he studied 
law and economics at the University of Barcelona from 1958 until 1962. As a student 
activist against General Franco’s fascist dictatorship he had to escape to Paris. He 
continued his study in Paris in order to obtain his PhD. Based on statistical analysis of 
location strategies of high-tech industrial firms in the Paris region, his doctoral work 
alerted to two issues that would continue to preoccupy Castells over the next three 
decades namely, the emergence of new technologies and the changing form of cities. 
Working in Paris at this time brought Castells into contact with leading Marxist 
theorists. Expelled by the French government, because of his participation in the 
revolutionary fervour of May 1968, he spent periods in Chili and Canada before returning 
to Paris in 1972. 
Castells’ first major work – The Urban Question: A Marxist Approach – was also 
published in 1972. It was announced as a remarkable and pioneering attempt to bring 
Marxist concepts and perspectives to bear on the ‘urban question’. In Castells opinion, 
Marxist theorists had yet to analyze cities in a sufficiently specific way. This work inspired 
a generation of geographers to engage with theories of political economy and utilized the 
insight of Marxist theory as a means to explore the urbanization of injustice. Castells thus 
found himself at forefront of the new urban sociology. 
In 1989, Castells published The Informational City which is an analysis of the urban 
and regional changes brought about by information technology and economics 
restructuring in the United States. It highlighted changes in the nature of urban 
governance that were contributing to the ‘dual’ city where poor, immigrant workers 
‘serviced’ a more affluent elite, working in hi-tech and knowledge rich industries. 
This served as a forerunner to his three-volume treatise on The Information Age: 
Economy, Society and Culture, comprising The Rise of The Network Society (1996), The 
Power of Identity (1997) and the End of Millenium (1998). In The Rise of The Network 
Society, Castells introduces the term ‘Space of Flows’. 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 
2. Introduction on Space of Flows 
 
 
The global economy is organized around command and control centers able to 
coordinate, innovate, and manage intertwined activities of networks of firms. Advanced 
services, such as finance, consulting, design and scientific innovation, are at the core of 
all economic processes. They all can be reduced to knowledge generation and information 
flows. Advanced telecommunications systems could make possible their scattered 
locations around the globe. 
New activities concentrate in particular poles and that implies an increase of 
disparities between the urban poles and their respective hinterlands. The global city 
phenomenon cannot be reduced to a few urban cores at the top of the hierarchy. It is a 
process that connects advanced services, producer centers, and markets in a global 
network, with different intensity and at a different scale depending upon the relative 
importance of the activities located in each area vis-à-vis the global network. Inside each 
country, the networking architecture reproduces itself into regional and local centers, so 
that the whole system becomes interconnected at the global level. 
Furthermore, globalization stimulates regionalization. The growing internationali-
zation of economic activities throughout Europe has made regions more dependent on 
these activities. Regions have established networks of cooperation between regional 
institutions and between region-based companies. Regions and localities do not 
disappear, but become integrated in international networks that link up their most 
dynamic sectors. 
Cities, or rather, their business districts, are information-based, value production 
complexes, where corporate headquarters and advanced financial firms can find both the 
suppliers and the highly skilled, specialized labor they require. 
Factors that seem to contribute to strengthen the concentration of high level 
activities are the reluctance to move by corporations because of the investment in real 
estate, and the necessary face-to-face contacts for critical decisions. Furthermore, major 
metropolitan centers still offer the greatest opportunities for the personal enhancement, 
social status, and individual self-gratification of the much-needed upper-level 
professionals. 
The global city is not a place, but a process. A process by which centers of 
productions and consumptions of advanced services, and their ancillary local societies, 
are connected in a global network, while simultaneously downplaying the linkages with 
their hinterlands, on the basis of information flows. 
 
 5 
3. Manuel Castells & Space of Flows 
 
 
3.1 The New Industrial Space 
 
The New Industrial Space is a concept Castells uses to describe the changed formation 
of space as a consequence of technological innovations. This space is characterized by 
the technological and organizational ability to separate the production process in different 
locations while reintegrating its unity through telecommunication linkages, and 
microelectronics-based precision and flexibility in the fabrication of component. 
High-technology manufacturing is organized around two predominant groups of 
roughly similar size; a highly skilled, science- and technology-based labor force and a 
mass of unskilled workers engaged in routine assembly and auxiliary operations. 
Castells describes four different types of locations for each one of the four 
distinctive operations in the production process. 
• R&D, innovation, and prototype fabrication were concentrated in highly 
innovative industrial centers in core areas; 
• Skilled fabrication in branch plants was generally located in newly 
industrializing areas in the home country; 
• Semi-skilled, large-scale assembly and testing work that from the very 
beginning was located offshore, particularly in South East Asia; 
• Customizing of devices and aftersales maintenance and technical support, 
which was organized in regional centers throughout the globe. 
 
A key element in the location pattern of the high technology industry is the decisive 
importanceof technological innovation production complexes for the whole system. This 
is what Castells calls ‘milieux of innovation’. By milieu of innovation he understands a 
specific set of relationships of production and management, based on a social 
organization that by and large shares a work culture and instrumental goals aimed at 
generating knew knowledge, new processes, and new products. Castells argues that for 
information technology industries, spatial proximity is a necessary material condition for 
the existence of such milieux. Milieux of innovation are the fundamental sources of 
innovation and of generation of added value, in the process of industrial production in the 
information age. 
 
High-technology-led industrial milieux of innovation, which are called ‘technopoles’ 
come in a variety of urban formats. In most countries, the leading technopoles are 
contained in the leading metropolitan areas. Major metropolitan centers around the world 
continue to cumulate innovation-inducing factors and to generate synergy. 
However, some of the most important innovation centers of information-technology 
manufacturing are new. Their development resulted from the clustering of specific 
varieties of the usual factors of production: capital, labor, and raw material, brought 
together by some kind of institutional entrepreneur, and constituted by some kind of 
social organization. The raw material was made up of new knowledge. Their labor, 
distinct from the knowledge factor, required the concentration of a large number of 
highly skilled scientists and engineers. Finally, social networks, of different kinds, 
powerfully contributed to the consolidation of the milieux of innovations, and to its 
dynamics. 
Milieux of innovation both compete and cooperate between different regions, 
creating a network of interaction that brings them together in a common industrial 
structure beyond their geographical discontinuity. The interdependence of the milieux of 
innovation all over the globe is growing and the capacity of each milieu to enhance its 
synergy is decisive for their fate. 
 6 
The new industrial space is organized in a hierarchy of innovation and fabrication 
articulated in global networks. But the direction and architecture of these networks are 
submitted to the endless changing movements of cooperation and competition between 
firms and between locales. The new industrial space is organized around flows of 
information that bring together and separate at the same time their territorial 
components. 
 
3.2 The End of Cities? 
 
The development of electronic communication and information systems allows for an 
increasing disassociation between spatial proximity and the performance of everyday 
life’s functions, like work, shopping and education. Accordingly, futurologists often predict 
the demise of the city, or at least of cities as we have known them until now, once they 
are voided of their functional necessity. Processes of spatial transformation are much 
more complicated. 
 An increase of teleworking is the most usual assumption about the impact of 
information technology on cities. What seems to be emerging is telecommuting from 
telecenters. Homes then would not become workplaces, but work activity could spread 
considerably throughout the metropolitan area, increasing urban decentralization. 
Teleshopping is also slow to live up to its promise. It is mainly substituting for traditional 
mail catalog orders. It supplements rather than replaces. A similar story can be told of 
most on-line consumer services, like telebanking. Health services offer an interesting 
case of the emerging dialectics between concentration and centralization of people-
oriented services. On the one hand, expert systems and on-line communications allow for 
the distant interconnection of medical care. On the other hand, in most countries major 
medical complexes emerge in specific locales, generally in large metropolitan areas. 
Schools and universities are the institutions least affected by the virtual logic embedded 
in information technology. In the case of universities, this is because the quality of 
education is still and will be for a long time, associated with the intensity of face-to-face 
interaction. 
 Computer-mediated communication is diffusing around the world, although with an 
extremely uneven geography. Some segments of societies across the globe, invariably 
concentrated in the upper professional strata, interact with each other, reinforcing the 
social dimension of the space of flows. What emerges from different observations is a 
similar picture of simultaneous spatial dispersion and concentration via information 
technology. People increasingly manage activities from their home. Thus, ‘home 
centeredness’ is an important trend of the new society. Yet it does not mean the end of 
the city. As time becomes more flexible, places become more singular, as people 
circulate among them in an increasingly mobile pattern. 
 However, the interaction between new information technology and current 
processes of social change does have a substantial impact on cities and space. On the 
one hand, the urban form is considerably transformed in its layout. This transformation 
shows considerable variation depending upon the characteristics of historic, territorial 
and institutional contexts. On the other hand, the emphasis on interactivity between 
places breaks up spatial patterns of behavior into a fluid network of exchanges that 
underlies the emergence of a new kind of space; the space of flows. 
 
3.3 The Informational City 
 
According to Castells the information age is ushering in a new urban form, the 
informational city. The new society is based upon knowledge, organized around 
networks, and largely made up of flows. The informational city is not a form, but a 
process characterized by the structural domination of these space of flows. 
The development of loosely interrelated exurban constellations emphasizes the 
functional interdependence of different units and processes in urban systems over very 
long distances. It minimizes the role of territorial contiguity and maximizes the 
communication networks. 
 7 
The profile of America’s Informational City is represented by the relationship 
between fast exurban development, inner-city decay, and obsolescence of the suburban 
built environment. According to Castells, European cities have entered the information 
age along a different line of spatial restructuring linked to their historical heritage. The 
business center in European cities is, as in America, the economic engine of the city, 
networked in the global economy. The business center is made up of an infrastructure of 
telecommunications, communications, advanced services, and office space. The business 
center does not exist by itself, but by the interconnection to other equivalent locales 
organized in a network that forms the actual unit of management, innovation, and work. 
The suburban world of European cities is a socially diversified space, that is 
segmented in different peripheries around the central city. There are traditional working-
class suburbs organized around large public housing estates, new towns inhabited by a 
younger populations of the middle classes and there are the peripheral ghettos of older 
public housing estates, where new immigrant populations and poor working families 
experience exclusion from their “right to the city”. Central cities often become defensive 
spaces for workers who only have their home to fight for, being at the same time 
meaningful popular neighborhoods and likely bastions of xenophobia and localism. The 
new professional middle class in Europe is torn between the attraction to the peaceful 
comfort of boring suburbs and the excitement of a hectic, and often too expensive, urban 
life. Castellsstates that the major European metropolitan centers present some variation 
around the urban structure, depending upon their different role in the European network 
of cities. The lower their position in the new informational network, the greater the 
difficulty of their transition form the industrial stage, and the more traditional will be their 
urban structure. On the other hand, the higher their position in the competitive structure 
of the new European economy, the greater the role of their advanced services in the 
business district, and the more intense will be the restructuring of urban space. 
The critical factor in the new urban processes is the fact that urban space is 
increasingly differentiated in social terms, while being functionally interrelated beyond 
physical continuity. It follows the separation between symbolic meaning, location of 
functions, and the social appropriation of space in the metropolitan area. This is the trend 
underlying the most important transformation of urban forms worldwide, with particular 
force in the newly industrializing areas: the rise of megacities. 
 
The new global economy and the 
emerging informational society have a 
new spatial form, which develops in a 
variety of social and geographical 
context: megacities. Megacities are very 
large agglomerations of human beings. 
Megacities articulate the global 
economy, link up the informational 
networks, and concentrate the world’s 
power. Megacities are connected 
externally to global networks and to 
segments of their own counties, while 
internally disconnecting local 
populations that are either functionally 
unnecessary or socially disruptive. 
Castells states that it is this distinctive 
feature of being globally connected and locally disconnected, physically and social, that 
makes megacities a new urban form. 
Some examples of megacities are: Tokyo, New York, Buenos Aires, London and 
Calcutta. Not all of them are dominant centers of the global economy, but they do 
connect to this global system huge segment of the human populations. They function as 
magnets for their hinterlands. Mega cities cannot be seen only in terms of their size, but 
also as a function of their gravitational power toward major regions of the world. Thus, 
for example Hong Kong is not just its six million people, and Guangzhou is not just its six 
 8 
and a half million people: what is emerging is a megacity of 40 to 50 million people, 
connecting Hong Kong, Shenzhen, Guangzhou, Zhuhai, Macau, and small towns in the 
Pearl River Delta. Megacities will continue to grow in their size and in their attractiveness 
for the location of high-level functions and for people’s choice. Megacities are the nodal 
points, and the power centers of the new spatial form and process of the information 
age: the space of flows. 
 
3.4 Space of Flows 
 
Space is the expression of society. A meaningful relationship between society and 
space hides a fundamental complexity. This is because space is not a reflection of 
society, it is its expressions. In other words: space is not a photocopy of society, it is 
society. Spatial forms and processes are formed by the dynamics of the overall social 
structure. Further-more, social processes influence space by acting on the built 
environment inherited form previous social-spatial structures. 
What is space? In physics, it cannot be defined outside the dynamics of matter. In 
social theory it cannot be defined without reference to social practices. Castells defines 
space as a material product, in relationship to other material products – including people 
– who engage in (historically) determined social relationships that provide space with a 
form, a function, and a social meaning. Time and space cannot be understood 
independently of social action. 
Castells speaks of time-sharing social practices, hereby he refers to the fact that 
space brings together those practices that are simultaneous in time. The proximity of 
material support is no longer of essence. 
Our society is constructed around flows: flows of capital, flows of information, flows 
of technology, flows of organizational interactions, flows of images, sounds, and symbols. 
Flows are not just one element of the social organization: they are the expression of 
processes dominating our economic, political, and symbolic life. 
Castells proposes the idea that there is a new spatial form characteristic of social 
practices that dominate and shape the network society: the space of flows. The space of 
flows is the material organization of time-sharing social practices that work through 
flows. By flows Castells understands purposeful, repetitive, programmable sequences of 
exchange and interaction between physically disjointed positions held by social actors in 
the economic, political, and symbolic structures of society. 
 
The space of flows can be described by the combination of three layers of material 
supports that, together, constitute the space of flows. 
The first layer, the first material support of the space of flows, is constituted by a 
circuit of electronic impulses that form the material basis for the processes that are 
strategically crucial in the network of society. This is a material support of simultaneous 
practices. It is a spatial form, just as it could be “the city” or the “the region” in the 
organization of the merchant society or of the industrial society. In the network of 
interactions, no place exists by itself, since the positions are defined by flows. Places do 
not disappear, but their logic and their meaning become absorbed in the network. The 
technological infrastructure that builds up the network defines the new space, very much 
like railways defined “economic regions”. 
The second layer of the space of flows is constituted by its nodes and hubs. The 
space of flows is not placeless, although its structural logic is. It is based on an electronic 
network, but this network links up specific places, with well-defined social, cultural, 
physical, and functional characteristics. Some places are exchangers, communication 
hubs playing a role of coordination for the interaction of all the elements integrated into 
the network. Other places are the nodes of the network, that is the location of 
strategically important functions that build a series of locality-based activities and 
organizations around a key function in the network. The functions to be fulfilled by each 
network define the characteristics of places that become their privileged nodes. Each 
network defines its sites according to the functions and hierarchy of each site, and to the 
characteristics of the product or service to be processed in the network. 
 9 
The third layer of the space of flows refers to the spatial organization of the 
dominant, managerial elites that exercise the directional functions around which such 
space is articulated. Articulation of the elites and segmentations and disorganization of 
the masses seem to be the twin mechanisms of social domination in our societies. Space 
plays a fundamental role in this mechanism. In short: elites are cosmopolitan, people are 
local. The space of power and wealth is projected throughout the world, while people’s 
life and experience is rooted in places, in their culture, in their history. On the other 
hand, the elites do not want and cannot become flows themselves, if they are to preserve 
their social cohesion, develop the set of rules and the cultural codes by which they can 
understand each other and dominate the other, thus establishing the “in” and “out” 
boundaries of their cultural/political community. However, Castells analysis does not 
share the hypothesis about the improbable existence of a “power elite”. On the contrary, 
the real social domination stems from the fact that cultural codes are embedded in thesocial structure in such a way that possession of these codes opens the access to the 
power structure without the elite needing to conspire to bar access to its networks. 
 
As a sociologist Manuel Castells is especially interested in social movements and 
the influences of the information technology on society, and the effect this has on the 
changing forms of cities. Everything is changing these days; technology is enhancing, 
logistic improvements are constantly being made, processes are transforming and 
demands are changing. Everything is moving. News broadcast and other media keep you 
informed about everything that is going on in the world. 
Organisations can locate themselves everywhere around the world. Mobile offices 
become more and more popular. Progress is required if you want to survive the ever-
changing society. Special skills are needed to manage organisations these days. It is not 
enough to manage a specific organisation, you’ll have to manage processes and flows in 
which the organisation is participating. These processes and flows are constantly 
changing and are connected in networks. It is about managing flows, instead of 
managing separate components of the organisation. This is why flexibility and being 
innovative are of essential importance. Thus, a whole new form of management is 
required. So called special meta-competences are needed to deal with the changes. 
 
 
3.5 Places and Non-Places 
 
The space of flows does not permeate down to the whole realm of human 
experience in the network society. The overwhelming majority of people live in places 
and so they perceive their space as place-based. According to Castells, a place is a locale 
whose form, function and meaning are self-contained within the boundaries of physical 
contiguity. Not all places are socially interactive and spatially rich. It is precisely because 
their physical/symbolic qualities make them different that they are places. 
People still live in places. But because function and power in our societies are 
organized in the space of flows, the structural domination of its logic essentially alters the 
meaning and dynamic of places. Experience, by being related to places, becomes 
abstracted from power, and meaning is increasingly separated from knowledge. 
 Within the Network Society new kind of places come to exist. These are places which 
don’t have any specific characteristics and could therefore be located almost anywhere. 
The places all look the same no matter where you are at the world. These places are 
called “non-places”. The emerge of these non-places is caused by globalisation and the 
rise of the information technology. The rise of non-places occurs on different scale levels. 
For instance, it doesn’t really matter if you go shopping in Amsterdam or Nijmegen. The 
same can be seen on a more global scale. 
 Thus, on the one hand place will continue to be of importance in peoples everyday 
life. Your home village will always have significant meaning for you and will therefore 
never feel as a non-place. On the other hand, the role of place will decrease because of 
the rise of information technology and globalisation. 
 
 10 
4. Other thinkers 
 
 
4.1 John Urry 
 
According to John Urry the discourse of ‘globalisation’ really 
took off in 1989, when exponential growth in the analyses of 
the global began to suggest that there was a supposed global 
reconstitution of economic, political and cultural relationships. 
One central feature was the sense that people had that they 
were living in a global village, as the struggles for citizenship 
themselves were brought into their homes wherever they were 
located. At the moment that almost everyone is seeking to be 
a citizen of an existing national society or to set up their own 
national society, globalisation appears to be changing what it 
is to be a citizen. 
 
Urry distinguishes two aspects of networks, namely, scapes and flows. Scapes are 
the networks of machines, technologies, organizations, texts and actors that constitute 
various interconnected nodes along which flows can be relayed. Such scapes reconfigure 
the dimensions of time and space. Once particular scapes have been established, then 
individuals and especially corporations within each society will normally try to become 
connected to them through being constituted as nodes within that particular network. 
They will seek to develop their own hubs. Between certain nodes along some scapes, 
extraordinary amounts of information may flow, of financial, economic, scientific and 
news data, into which some groups are extremely well plugged-in while others are 
effectively excluded. New inequalities of flows are created. Social and spatial distances 
are no longer homologous (Beck 1999: 104). 
Urry sets apart two different kinds of networks; global networks and what he calls 
global fluids. Global enterprises are organized by the means of a global network. Such a 
network of technologies, skills, texts and brands ensures that more or less the same 
product is delivered in more or less the same way in every country in which the 
enterprise operates. Second, there are global fluids, the heterogeneous, uneven and 
unpredictable mobilities of people, information, objects, and money. Fluids do not always 
keep within the scape. Different fluids spatially intersect in the ‘empty meeting grounds’ 
of the non-places of modernity, such as airports, the internet, international hotels and so 
on. 
 
 
4.2 Anthony Giddens 
 
Anthony Giddens does not write much about the information society. It is not really 
a concern of his to discuss the status of this particular concept, not least because he 
would surely be sceptical of the proposition that we have recently seen with the 
emergence of this new type of society. He has quite directly asserted that “although it is 
commonly supposed that we are only now in the late twentieth century entering the era 
of information, modern societies have information societies since their beginning” 
(Giddens, 1987: 27). Giddens states that importance of information has deep historical 
roots, so the emerge of the information society is nothing new. 
Castells on the other hand states that the information society came into existence 
as a result of the simultaneous availability of new, flexible information technologies and 
a set of historical events. They came together around the late 1960s and 1970s. All 
processes, interacting with each other, favoured the adoption of information networks as 
a most efficient form of organization. Once introduced, and powered by information 
technology, information networks, through competition, gradually eliminate other 
organizational forms, rooted in a different social logic. 
 
 
 11 
5. Space of Flows in Everyday Life 
 
 
There are numerous spaces of flows in people’s everyday life. A lot of times, without 
people knowing it, they are involved in a flow while exercising their daily activities. We 
will discuss three recognizable examples of space of flows. 
 
Telemarketing worldwide 
 
Many international companies in the USA and else- 
where around the world have set up telemarketing 
services and call centers in other countries to out- 
source customer support and telemarketing at low 
costs. For example, India is becoming an increas- 
ingly popular location for offshore call centers. 
India is home to a large English speaking popula- 
tion who are also largely computer literate. This 
makes it possible for somebody in, for example 
The Netherlands, to be called by a person working 
in a call center in India for an American company. 
 
Health services online 
 
An increasing number of people consult the internet for medical information. Some 
people receive all the medical information through the internet and don’tgo to a doctor 
anymore at all. Other people first consult the internet for general information and then 
decide to see their own doctor. This is an example of a flow of information, where the 
specific place doesn’t matter. 
 
Telebanking 
 
Telebanking is another clear example of the decreasing necessity of physical space. 
When you’re traveling in, for example, South East Asia and you need to transfer money 
from your saving account to your regular bank account, you can get on the internet and 
take care of this at that exact time and in that specific place. The emerge of telebanking 
has made the existence of physical bank offices less important since people can take care 
of (almost) all of their banking online. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12 
6. Sources 
 
 
ƒ Hubbard, Ph., Kitchin, R. & Valentine, G. (2004) Key thinkers on Space and Place. 
Sage, London (Chapter 10) 
 
ƒ Castells, M. (1996) The Information Age: Economy, society and culture. Volume 1: 
The rise of the network society. Blackwell, Oxford 
 
ƒ Castells, M. (1997) The Information Age: Economy, society and culture. Volume 2: 
The power of identity. Blackwell, Oxford 
 
ƒ Castells, M. (1998) The Information Age: Economy, society, culture. Volume 1: End 
of Millennium. Blackwell, Oxford 
 
ƒ Crang, M. (2002) Between places: producing hubs, flows and networks. In: 
Environment and planning A. Vol. 34, No. 4, pp. 569-574 
 
ƒ Webster, F. (1995) Theories of The Information Society, Routledge, London 
 
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