[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)
150 pág.

[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)


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CONTENTS 
PREFACE by James B. Utt, Member of Congress 
 
FOREWORD 
 
PART I KATANGA 
A Case History 
 
 1. The First Spade 
2. Prologue to Tragedy 
3. Seceding from Chaos 
4. The Moderates 
5. In the Last Resort 
6. Ah, Peace 
 
PART II THE MASTER PLANNERS 
Communist Control of the United Nations 
 
 7. Baby Carriages 
8. Under Every Bed 
9. The Home Team 
10. Neutrals and Non-Communists 
 
PART III PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE 
United Nations Capture of the American Mind 
 
11. Animal Farm 
12. Poison in the Air 
13. The Fright Peddlers 
 
PART IV THE FEARFUL MASTER 
The Present Reality--An Imminent Danger 
 
14. A Substitute for Victory 
15. The Silken Thread 
16. The Dangerous Servant 
17. Point of No Return 
18. Our Last Best Hope 
 
About the Author 
INTRODUCTION 
The Fearful Master, concisely written and well documented, sets forth the double standard which 
guides the UN through its devious and treacherous path toward world domination. 
The author, Mr. G. Edward Griffin, has performed an outstanding service in giving the people of the 
free world a picture of what has happened, is happening, and will happen in the very near future--if 
we continue our course of strategic surrender to international forces. 
The book opens with the story of Katanga and reveals the broken promises which the UN made to 
Moise Tshombe in order to deceive him, and to turn over to the central government the only province 
of the Congo where law and order had prevailed and where freedom was the watchword of its 
leaders. The murder, pillaging and rape practiced by the UN forces in Katanga can happen to any 
country that surrenders to UN control. 
Author Griffin outlines in considerable detail the Communist infiltration into the personnel at every 
echelon of the UN, and he exposes the treachery and subversion that flourishes there. 
The author meticulously outlines the grand design for surrender, and likens it to a jigsaw puzzle. The 
chief designer is well aware of the ultimate picture, but an individual working on an indiscernible piece 
of that puzzle does not know exactly what he is doing or where it will fit into the picture. When all of 
the pieces are put together, however, the finished grand design will be that of a one-world 
government maintained by forces against which resistance by any nation will be futile. 
The Fearful Master is a book which is long overdue, but I prayerfully hope that it is not yet too late to 
awaken the American public. This book should be read by all Americans and demands their 
thoughtful and immediate attention. 
James B. Utt 
Member of Congress 
FOREWORD 
On April 24, 1955, the Communist Daily Worker wrote: 
 
The United Nations has become an imposing institution with a fantastic pyramid 
of agencies and commissions, and an agenda each autumn of 75 questons. . . . 
There it stands--in its striking home of stone and steel and glass on the shores of 
the East River to which thousands of people come each week, in pilgrimages of 
peace and hope. 
 
This is one of those instances where the truth is sufficiently horrible that the Communist 
propagandists do not have to lie. In the two decades since the United Nations was created, it has 
expanded into a giant international bureaucracy with tentacles reaching into every sphere of human 
activity from matrimony to garbage collecting. Americans by the millions have indeed made the 
emotional pilgrimage and genuflected before the UN "shrine of peace." But, having looked at the 
United Natttions, most of us have not seen. We have seen the building, and the flag, and pictures of 
meetings where delegates listen to each other over earphones; but we have not seen the real United 
Nations--its purpose, its philosophy, its ultimate goals. To recognize these things, we will have to look 
much deeper than the glittering phrases about peace and brotherhood or the ringing manifestos on 
human rights and let the facts speak for themselves. 
Wherever possible, quotations used in this book are from original sources. These sources have been 
thoroughly footnoted in hopes that the skeptic will check them out. Some may feel that there are too 
many quotes and footnotes. But this book was not meant to be one of those easy-to-read jobs that 
can be glanced through with one eye on the TV set. It is a documentary and should be approached 
as such. 
Most of the documentation is taken from those people or sources friendly to the United Nations. For 
instance, the opening sequence is a direct quote from Smith Hempstone, African correspondent for 
the Chicago News. Hempstone's views, in his own words, are as follows: 
 
I do not belong to the African Committee for Aid to Katanga Freedom Fighters, I 
am not a member of the John Birch Society, am not in the pay of the Katanga 
Government or Union Miniere, and really could not care less about the 
fluoridation of water. I am a registered Republican, although I did not vote 
Republican in the 1960 presidential election. I do believe that the United Nations 
has a role to play in the world today--and I believe that the U.S. should remain in 
the international organization. 
 
Likewise, the forty-six civilian doctors of Elisabethville, who provided some of the most horrifying 
eyewitness accounts of United Nations atrocities, have declared: ". . . we believe in UNO [the United 
Nations]. . . . We proclaim that such an organization is necessary for maintaining peace in the world 
and fair betterment of the underdeveloped natons." 
While on the subject of Katanga, it should be made clear that the section of this book dealing with the 
Congo is not meant to be a glorification of Katanga and Tshombe; it is meant to spotlight the United 
Nations action in Katanga. We are not being asked to pay homage to Katanga nor are we being 
asked to transfer our political sovereignty, our economy, and our military security to Katanga; we are 
being asked to do these things for the United Nations. It is for this reason that we need to take a 
close and searching look at this mammoth organization. And, just as one picture is worth a thousand 
words, one case history is worth a thousand theoretical arguments. 
This is by no means an exhaustive treatment of the subject. If the reader wants a detailed 
explanation of the structure of the United Nations, how the organization functions mechanically, or 
what relation one subdivision has with another, he can find countless volumes in a public library. All 
of this is academic in the minds of most people, anyway. The citizens of Katanga who were dying 
under United Naations bombs were not concerned over whether the air attacks had been authorized 
by the Security Council, the General Assembly or the Military Staff Committee, or whether it took a 
two-thirds vote or only a majority vote. 
Nor has the tremendous financial burden that membership in the United Naions places on the 
shoulders of American taxpayers been discussed. After all, mere money is relatively unimportant. If 
the UN really were what most people think it is, it would be well worth the investment. The real cost of 
our membership will not, in the end, be measured in terms of dollars and cents; it will be counted out 
in terms of lost freedoms, despair and human suffering. 
This is not an attempt to present an "objective" view of the United Nations. If the reader wants to 
acquaint himself with the other side he need only turn on his radio or TV, or glance through the pages 
of his favorite newspaper or magazine. The other side has been presented almost without challenge 
by every conceivable means--books, movies, plays, speeches, editorials, pamphlets, posters, and 
poetry. It has been promoted by politicians, athletes, movie stars, teachers, beauty queens, and 
businessmen. By comparison, the case against the United Nations has