[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)
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[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)

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S/4940. Also, O'Brien, p. 264. 
24. O'Brien, pp. 265-266. 
They make desolation which they call peace. 
Tacitus (54-119 A.D.) 
The defeat of the United Nations in Katanga was met with anguished cries from the world Communist 
press. Tass, the Soviet news agency, said that the cease-fire agreement with "colonialist puppet 
Tshombe" evoked only a feeling of "indignation." The Tass writer, V. Kharokov, complained that what 
had been a promising UN operation to end Katanga's secession had turned out to be "a total flop."1 
The Communists, however, were unduly concerned, for the UN was not giving up yet. It was using 
the cease-fire merely as a means of building up its strength for a renewed attack. Immediately, 
additional troops began to arrive on the scene: The first four of fourteen UN jets landed at 
Leopoldville. The buildup was both extensive and rapid. Finally, on November 24, 1961, the Security 
Council swung into action once again. It passed another resolution strongly condemning Katanga for 
its continued use of mercenaries and then authorized the further use of force to bring it under the 
control of the central government. The velvet glove was now completely off. This amounted to a 
declaration of war against Katanga. Tshombe was quick to realize this and, addressing a crowd of 
eight thousand cheering Africans two days later, he said that the United Nations would soon 
"undertake war on our territory. . . . Tomorrow or the day after, there will be a trial of strength. Let us 
prepare for it. Let Katanga fighters arise at the given moment in every street, every lane, every road 
and every village. I will give you the signal at the opportune time."2 
Minister of the Interior Munongo later echoed Tshombe's sentiment when he proclaimed: "We are all 
here, resolved to fight and die if necessary. The UN may take our cities. There will remain our 
villages and the bush. All the tribal chiefs are alerted. We are savages; we are Negroes. So be it! We 
shall fight like savages with our arrows."3 
While the UN military buildup was taking place, troops of the central government began to move into 
position to invade the regions of northern Katanga. Since this would be civil war, and since the UN 
said it was in the Congo to prevent civil war, one might expect the peace-keepers to do something 
about it. They did. They provided large quantities of supplies and helped transport the central 
government troops into Katanga. The UN referred to this as a "police action." The chief UN 
representative in the Congo, Sture Linner, further explained that any move on the part of Tshombe to 
secure his defensive military position along Katanga's borders would be considered an act of civil war 
and that the UN would take action to prevent it.4 
The central government was getting impatient to nail Tshombe's hide to the wall. Justin Bomboko, the 
Congolese foreign minister who had previously brought charges of high treason against Tshombe, 
later revealed the prevailing mood of his government when he said: "Tshombe only understands the 
language of force and pressure. . . . We can negotiate for 100 years with Tshombe, but it will be in 
vain. There is no hope of solving this problem by peaceful means. We lose our time, and this is the 
reason why we went to the UN and Washington."5 
What kind of troops were these that the UN brought into Katanga and sustained with supplies and jet 
air cover? They were mostly the same mutinous bunch that had been on the rampage for many 
months. Their numbers included several thousand of those whom Tshombe had kicked out of his 
army and who had since reenlisted in Leopoldville. The rest were from Gizenga's former Communist 
stronghold of Stanleyville. 
A few weeks earlier, Gizenga's soldiers seized and brutally beat thirteen Italian airmen serving the 
United Nations at Kindu. After the beating the men were shot and cut up into tiny pieces. According to 
witnesses parts of the bodies were thrown into the Congo River. Others were sold in the market 
place. A human hand was presented to a United Nations doctor by a giggling Congolese soldier. 
Colonel Alphonse Pakassa, commander of these soldiers, when questioned on the subject of the 
massacre simply shrugged his shoulders and replied, "You know how soldiers are."6 
The world was shocked at the news. But, as usual, memories were short. These were the very same 
soldiers that just six weeks later were transported by the United Nations into northern Katanga.7 After 
their arrival, they proceeded to slaughter a group of twenty-two Roman Catholic missionaries. This 
time, however, since the victims were not wearing UN uniforms, there was practically no publicity.8 
Turning southward, these soldiers put whole villages to the torch, slaughtered women and children, 
and sent over ten thousand families fleeing in panic. Anyone, black or white, who was found to be 
armed with even a penknife was killed on the spot. Risking her life to visit the terror zone, 
newswoman Philippa Schuyler reported: 
As this story goes to press, the wild, chaotic Congolese National Army is 
advancing from the north into Katanga, moving ever southward, ravaging 
wherever they go, like a diabolic visitation of locusts. The UN is not stopping their 
advance. These are wild barbarians, like the fifth century Gauls advancing on 
Rome, determined to annihilate the bastion of civilization that remains in 
Katanga. Sacked by the barbarians, the remainder of the Congo has already 
entered the Dark Ages; helped by the UN, these barbaric hordes wish also to 
plunge Katanga into desolation, ignorance and misery.9 
In the wake of this imported terror, the entire region began to revert to its primitive origin. With no 
local authority to keep peace and order, the natives--afraid and confused--revived ancient and 
suppressed rituals. Cannibalism was reintroduced. Smoldering tribal feuds broke out into full-scale 
tribal wars. Even the beloved missionaries who were once reasonably safe in the area were 
terrorized and murdered as a result of the mass hysteria that bad been unleashed.10 
The Katangese forces that previously had been responsible for law and order were now fighting for 
their very lives. A ten-man Katangese patrol led by a local administrative officer, Gregoire Kulu, was 
ambushed by about one hundred wild savages who cut off Kulu's legs, jammed sticks into the stumps 
and forced him to run on them before burning him alive.11 As a result of atrocities of this kind and the 
onslaught of the central government troops, Tshombe's gendarmes in the area urgently sent for 
reinforcements and additional ammunition. Their plea was denied by the United Nations, however, on 
the basis that this would enhance civil war and thus would be in violation of the cease-fire agreement. 
But once again, Katanga overcame the impossible odds and finally pushed the invaders back. Order 
was restored to the territory. By November the invaders were in full retreat--looting and pillaging as 
they went. 
By now the UN had completed its own military buildup for a renewed assault on Elisabethville. Seeing 
that the central government could not subdue Tshombe, the United Nations issued a few more 
promises not to intervene in the internal affairs of Katanga and began to draw up plans for its next 
attack. It came on December 5, just three weeks before Christmas. United Nations troops assaulted a 
Katangese roadblock, and when the smoke cleared thirty-eight Katangans lay lifeless in the street. 
The war was on! 
From this point the story becomes tragically monotonous. Once again the United Nations unleashed 
a reign of terror, death and destruction on peaceful Elisabethville. Once again the primary targets 
were hospitals, churches, homes, ambulances and shops. Once again the victims were civilians--
men, women and children.