[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)
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[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)


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delegate 
Vyshinsky reacted by praising Jessup during a meeting of the General Assembly\u2019s political 
committee. Vyshinsky said he bad "learned with dismay" the Senate's decision."41 Equally dismayed, 
of course, was President Truman who proceeded to circumvent the Senate action by assigning 
Jessup to the United Nations on an "interim appointment."42 
Shortly after the Eisenhower administration came in on the promise of cleaning the United States 
security risks out of the United Nations, the State Department approved the appointment of Philip 
Jessup as our candidate for the UN World Court--an infinitely more important position than the one 
denied him by the Senate. This time, however, neither Congress nor the Senate had any voice in the 
selection. 
Even though each country is allowed to nominate two of its own nationals and two from other 
countries, the United States elected to nominate three foreigners with Philip Jessup as the only 
American--making it very clear to all that he was the man! 
In the final voting, Jessup was elected by an overwhelming majority. With both the United States and 
the USSR voting for him, how could he miss? 
NOTES 
1. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), pp. 8-10. 
2. Ibid. 
3. Ibid. 
4. Time (April 16, 1945), international section. 
5. Insignia, conference issue (1801 Broadway, San Diego, Calif., 1945), vol. 6, no. 1, P. 67. 
6. "Russia Keeps Up Pressure on Withdrawal," London Daily Telegraph (August 23, 1958). As 
quoted by Mark Ewell, Manacles for Mankind (London, Britons Publishing Company, 1960), p. 50. 
7. Statement by Senator Edwin Mechem, a former FBI agent assigned to cover Alger Hiss and other 
Russian spies, Chicago Tribune (May 26, 1963), sec. 1, p. 4. 
8. SISS report (July 30, 1953), p. 29. 
9. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations, p. 403. 
10. SISS hearings (November 17, 1953). 
11. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), p. 31. 
12. Senator Thomas Dodd, Congressional Record (March 22, 1962). 
13. Daily Worker (June 7, 1945). As quoted by Felix Wittmer, "Freedom's Case Against Dean 
Acheson," American Mercury (New York, April 1952). 
14. Felix Wittmer, "Freedom's Case Against Dean Acheson," American Mercury (New York, April 
1952). 
15. Victor Lasky, "The Case Against Dean Acheson." Entered in the Congressional Record 
(December 6, 1950). 
16. Testimony before House Committee on Un-American Activities (August 30, 1948). 
17. Victor Lasky, "The Case Against Dean Acheson." Entered in the Congressional Record 
(December 6, 1950). 
18. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS report (July 30, 1953), pp. 10-12. 
19. Two of these documents are now out of print, but can be located still in many large metropolitan 
public libraries. 
20. Interlocking Subversion in Government Departments, SISS hearings, pt. 8, pp. 904-905. 
21. Lie, p. 388. 
22. Chesly Manly, The UN Record (Chicago, Henry Regnery Company, 1955), p. 110. After serving 
for two years on the staff of the Milwaukee Journal, Chesly Manly went to work for the Chicago 
Tribune in 1929. In the intervening years he has become one of the country's top news reporters. 
During his varied career he has covered the Al Capone trials in the prohibition era as well as major 
political events in Washington. Since 1946 he has reported the proceedings at the UN and other 
international conferences for the Chicago Tribune. 
23. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, SISS hearings (December 17, 1952), p. 332. 
24. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, second report of the SISS (March 22, 1954), p. 
12. 
25. SISS hearings (September 24, 1953), pt. 3, p. 503. Also, "Is the United Nations Anti-U.S.?" U.S. 
News and World Report (December 12, 1952), pp. 32-34. 
26. Activities of U.S. Citizens Employed by the UN, hearings before the Senate Committee on the 
Judiciary (1952), pp. 407-408. 
27. Ibid., pp. 181-182. 
28. Lie, p. 399. 
29. Ibid., p. 401. 
30. Ibid., p. 402. 
31. Manly, pp. 137-138. 
32. Ibid., p 138. Also, SISS hearings (December 17, 1952), p. 385. 
33. Congressman James B. Utt, Congressional Record (January 15, 1962). 
34. Ibid. (April 11, 1962). 
35. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations, p. 223. 
36. As quoted by Manly, p. 143. 
37. Ibid., p. 141. 
38. Ibid., p. 144. 
39. "Dr. Bunche's Case," Daily Worker (May 31, 1954), p. 5. 
40. Hearings before the Senate subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations. Also, 
Congressman James B. Utt, Congressional Record (January 15, 1962). 
41. Manley, pp. 157-158. 
42. "Jessup Nomination Stirs Controversy," Los Angeles Examiner (November 8, 1960). 
 
The hottest places in hell are reserved for those who, in a period of moral crisis, maintain their 
neutrality. 
Alighieri Dante, 1300 
CHAPTER TEN: NEUTRALS AND NON-COMMUNISTS 
Anyone who doubts the potent, if intangible, force of the United Nations should consider the 
eagerness even of Communist regimes to join a club which is, and will continue to be, managed 
predominantly by its non-Communist members.1 
This statement by United Nations Ambassador Adlai Stevenson is a classic example of the technique 
of combining an observable fact with an absurd conclusion. The eagerness of Communist regimes to 
join the United Nations is a fact that cannot be concealed. But since the obvious implications of this 
fact are not in accord with the image which the internationalists wish to present to the American 
people, we are told that (1) the Communists are eager to join the United Nations because it is a 
"potent, intangible force," and (2) the United Nations is, and will continue to be, managed by non-
Communists. 
As for the potent-intangible-force argument, little needs to be said. Anyone who is familiar with even 
the bare rudiments of Communist strategy and tactics knows that the Communists do not join or 
support an organization merely because it is a potent force. They join organizations either to destroy 
them or to take them over and use them for their own purposes; they support an organization only if it 
advances the cause of Communism. But how can this be if the organization is, as Mr. Stevenson 
says, managed predominantly by its non-Communist members? 
Part of the answer became painfully obvious during the investigation of United States "non-
Communist" employees at the United Nations. The other part is the subject of this chapter. 
At the time of this writing, the United Nations has approximately six thousand employees in the 
Secretariat. About one fourth of these are classified as professional, which means that they hold top 
supervisory and policy-making positions. These are filled according to the geographical origin of the 
member nations and in proportion to the various contributions to the total UN budget. The United 
States, therefore, is entitled to approximately one third of the "professional" appointments. The two-
thirds balance comes from other nations--Communist as well as non-Communist. 
Theoretically, the United States bars Communists from bolding government jobs. But as we have 
seen, this has been only a minor inconvenience to the party faithful. For years, secret underground 
Communist agents have moved with ease throughout our entire governmental structure where they 
have been protected and promoted. The exposures of a few years ago were the result of 
congressional investigations which now have been, for all practical purposes, completely 
discontinued. 
In France the Communist party is the biggest political party in the entire country, and it holds the 
balance of power in the French Assembly. The French constitution even goes out of its way to make 
it illegal to discriminate