[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)
150 pág.

[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)


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respect of the people who elected him to 
the presidency of Katanga. Not only is he a staunch anti-Communist, he is an ardent advocate of the 
concepts of limited government and the free enterprise system. He is a student of history and a great 
admirer of the success of the American experiment. He fully understands the wisdom of the 
traditional American political system of checks and balances with a further division of power between 
the Federal Government and the states. Explaining his views, he said: "We would like something 
rather on the American model. We are willing to have a federal president and to give the central 
government control of the army, the customs and that sort of thing."17 
Even after the United Nations had initiated a bloody war against Katanga to force it to abandon this 
position, Tshombe held firm. Returning to Katanga after the December United Nations attack, he 
said, "Katanga must be unified with its brothers in the Congo but remain sufficiently free so that its 
fate will not be sealed on the day the shadow of Communism spreads over this country."18 
With this background in mind, it is not hard to see why Tshombe was anathema to the Communists. 
Khrushchev ranted, "Tshombe is a turncoat, a traitor to the interests of the Congolese people."19 It is 
interesting to note that Tshombe was also anathema to U.S. officials. While wining and dining almost 
every Communist dictator on the face of the earth from Khrushchev to Tito to Castro to Lumumba, 
our State Department flatly refused to grant a visa for Tshombe to enter the United States.20 
Plans for complete chaos in the Congo had been well laid. Many uneducated Africans were told that 
just as soon as independence came they would automatically own all the property of the white 
settlers--and the settlers too! One of the campaign promises made by Lumumba was that the 
Congolese could have all of the European women they wanted after independence.21 
It did not take very long. A few days after independence, the Congolese army mutinied against its 
Belgian officers. Lumumba reacted immediately by discharging the officers and expelling them from 
the country. He promoted every one of the mutinous soldiers at least one rank and moved up several 
to the level of general. All men received a substantial pay raise. The lowest paid soldier was getting 
about twice that of an American GI of equivalent rank. Devoid of professional military command and 
whipped up by Lumumba and his followers, the Congolese army went on a spree of plunder, murder 
and rape. European residents fled in terror by the thousands leaving behind their homes, their 
possessions, their businesses, and everything they had worked for. Currency was frozen and most of 
them left with only a hastily packed suitcase. 
Few Americans understood what was going on. Their news sources did not help them much. All 
attention was focused on the pictures of crying women being helped off planes and the sensational 
accounts of widespread rape. We were not given any insight into why this chaos had happened or 
who had triggered it. It was made to appear as something that just happened. Editors by the droves 
speculated, "Well what can you expect? After all those years of exploiting the natives, the Belgians 
are just reaping the harvest that they themselves have sown." 
Newswoman Philippa Schuyler shed a little light on how it "just happened" when she reported: 
 
They had been maliciously egged on to start the disorder. In the wee hours of 
July 9, someone rushed into the barracks shouting, "Come and fight! The whites 
are about to attack you! You're about to be killed!" 
No one was attacking the soldiers. It was a deliberate lie, with frightful 
consequences."22 
 
The Reverend Mark Poole of the Luluabourg Presbyterian Mission and other missionaries in the 
Congo confirmed that the outbreaks of violence were undoubtedly Communist inspired and that they 
were too widespread and well coordinated to have just happened by cbance.23 
As soon as word of the chaos reached Brussels, Belgium ordered its troops back to the Congo to 
protect the lives and property of its citizens there. In a fit of rage Lumumba officially declared war on 
Belgium and called on the United Nations for military help against Belgian intervention. The United 
Nations complied, as we shall see. At the outset, however, Belgium called on its NATO friend, the 
United States, for help so that it could not be accused of trying to perpetuate its influence in its former 
possession. Washington refused, saving it would rather act through the United Nations. Khrushchev 
lashed out against the Belgians, calling them "criminal aggressors." The very same day, July 14, 
1960, the United States delegation at the United Nations sided with the Soviets in a resolution stoutly 
condemning Belgium, demanding immediate withdrawal of her troops, and authorizing the United 
Nations to send troops of its own to assist Lumumba.24 Within four days, the first four thousand 
United Nations troops were flown into the Congo by U.S. Air Force planes. Many additional 
thousands were on the way. By July 23 most of the Belgian troops had withdrawn. The territory was 
now in the hands of Lumumba's mutinous army and the United Nations "peace-keeping" forces. 
The plunder and rape continued and spread. Smith Hempstone reported: 
 
Not only was the United Nations singularly ineffective in reestablishing order in 
these regions but it did little to assist in the evacuation of terrified white women 
and children from these provinces. The United Nations had planes available to 
evacuate to Stanleyville Gizengists [supporters of the Communist Antoine 
Gizenga] who felt themselves in danger in areas under the control of the 
Leopoldville Government. But it showed little interest in evacuating whites from 
Stanleyville. . . . If a Lumumbist was maltreated, a general outcry could be 
expected from the Communist bloc, the Afro-Asian nations, and from liberal 
circles in Britain and America. If a white woman was killed or molested. . .it made 
little difference.25 
 
Newswoman Schuyler reported: 
 
. . . a uniformed rabble was ruling Stanleyville--there was continual extortion, 
brawling, beating and arbitrary arrests. Portuguese and Greeks had to pay as 
much as $60 to drunken soldiers to avoid arrest. Passengers arriving at 
Stanleyville's airport were met with a bayonet in the stomach, while Congolese 
loafers would scream, "We are the masters!" Congolese seized European cars 
right and left while UN Colonel Yohanna Chites said he could not intervene.26 
 
The following account appeared in the New York Daily News under the heading "Congo Rebels 
Attack UN Train, Slay Kids": 
 
Hundreds of rebel Baluba tribesmen yesterday massacred at least 20 Africans in 
three attacks on a UN guarded train taking school children home for a New 
Year's vacation. . . . Scores of others were injured and many passengers 
kidnapped by rebels after the attacks in Southern Katanga. . . . The train left 
Elisabethville . . . with some 300 passengers, including 100 children, and a 
strong guard of UN troops. But, when it reached Kamina . . . in western Katanga, 
only 40 people were aboard. . . . At Luena, three passengers were killed, many 
were kidnapped and the station was pillaged. Several African women 
passengers . . . were raped. At Bukama, waves of tribesmen attacked the train 
again with spears, clubs, rifles, bows and arrows and machetes, killing 17 
passengers and kidnapping many more. A spokesman said that the 17 persons 
who died at Bukama "were killed under the eyes of the UN." 
 
Roger Nonkel, the assistant high commissioner of Sankuru in Kasai province, stated: 
 
The UN are unable to restore order, and what is more, they are not even trying. 
In August, I asked help for Lusambo from Colonel Lasmar