[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)
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[G. Edward Griffin] Fearful Master A Second Look (BookZZ.org)


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[chief of UN troops in 
Kasai]. . . . I told him that with fifty UN soldiers I could prevent war between the 
Batetela [Lumumba's tribe] . . . and the Baluba. 
He answered me coldly: "Let them kill themselves."27 
 
The Communist plan for taking over the Congo was progressing as planned. Step one: Capture 
control of the leadership at the top. Step two: Bring about utter and complete chaos to justify the 
harsh police-state measures which must be used to establish firm dictatorial rule. Step three: Put the 
blame on non-Communists. Step four: Maneuver as many non-Communists as possible into actually 
doing the dirty work for them. Now came the visible beginnings of step number five, the police-state 
measures themselves. 
On August 2, 1960, the Congolese central government decreed that any Belgian business which had 
been abandoned during the mayhem would be confiscated by the state unless reclaimed within eight 
days. 
The Congo's largest and most influential newspaper Le Courier d'Afrique was seized by the 
government, forced to shut down, and its editor was thrown in jail for printing critical remarks about 
Lumumba. The editor was finally expelled to Belgium and the paper resumed operation with a more 
"acceptable" editorial policy.28 
Lumumba moved swiftly to consolidate his totalitarian control. On September 15 he issued the 
following lengthy and highly revealing directive to the heads of the various provinces throughout the 
Congo: 
 
SUBJECT: Measures To Be Applied During the First Stages of the Dictatorship. 
Sir, 
I have the honour and the pleasure to inform you that with a view to the rapid 
restoration of order in the country, the House of Representatives and the Senate 
[of the central government], meeting in special session on 13 September of this 
year, decided to grant the government full powers. 
Full powers should be understood to mean that the government is free to act as 
it thinks fit in all respects, for the purpose of suppressing abuses, disorders and 
any action which is contrary to the will of the government over which I have 
presided legally since the attainment of independence by the Congo. . . . 
The most effective and direct means of succeeding rapidly in our task may be 
summarized as follows: 
1. Establish an absolute dictatorship and apply it in all its forms. 
2. Terrorism, essential to subdue the population. 
3. Proceed systematically, using the army, to arrest all members of the 
opposition. I will be personally responsible for those at Leopoldville including the 
Head of State and his close supporters. A few weeks ago, in view of the present 
situation in Katanga and Sud-Kasai, I sent the National Army to arrest Tshombe 
and Kalonji and even to kill them if possible. . . . 
4. Imprison the ministers, deputies and senators, who sometimes abuse their 
parliamentary immunity. In such a case I should be glad if you would not spare 
them but arrest them all without pity and treat them with ten times more severity 
than ordinary individuals. 
5. Revive the system of flogging and give the rebels 10 lashes, morning and 
evening, for a maximum of 7 consecutive days. 
N.B. Double the number in the case of ministers, senators, and deputies, 
reducing the number gradually according to the condition of each individual. 
6. Inflict profound humiliations on the people thus arrested, in addition to the 
obligatory treatment described above. For example, strip them in public, if 
 
possible in the presence of their wives and children. Make them carry heavy 
loads and force them to walk about in that state. In case of such a walk, 
however, drawers may be worn. 
7. In view of the seriousness of the situation of the country, which is in danger of 
sinking into anarchy, it would be well to imprison repeated offenders in 
underground cells or prisons for at least six months, never allowing them out to 
breathe fresh air. 
N.B. If some of them succumb as a result of certain atrocities, which is possible 
and desirable, the truth should not be divulged but it should be announced, for 
instance, that Mr. X has escaped and cannot be found. 
8. Those who do not succumb in prison should not be released for at least a 
year. In this case they shall be exiled to a country to be determined by me in 
agreement with certain foreign countries which have already signified their 
agreement in principle. 
Some of the provincial presidents will say that the measures described are 
severe. In reply I would point out to them that certain politicians have attained 
power by means of dictatorship. Moreover, the measures of execution that I have 
indicated above constitute only the first stage of the basic regime that we hope 
will succeed in the Congo. The second stage will be to destroy anyone who 
criticizes us. . . . 
In conclusion, I would point out that this letter should be communicated only to 
those authorities under your orders in whom you have entire confidence. 
(signed) P. LUMUMBA 
Prime Minister29 
A few months later, Lumumba issued a follow-up memorandum which said: "Get to work immediately 
and have courage. Long live the Soviet Union! Long live Khrushchev!"30 
When Lumumba came to the United States he was royalty received on behalf of the American people 
by President Eisenhower who even had him stay in the official presidential guest house. He conferred 
with Henry Cabot Lodge, Dag Hammarskjold and Christian Herter, then our secretary of state.31 And 
a few weeks later, Eisenhower announced that be had sent the first five million of an expected 100 
million dollars to Lumumba to help the Congo meet its most pressing needs.32 
NOTES 
1. For background see Congressman Donald C. Bruce, "Is Katanga on the Auction Block?" 
Congressional Record (September 12, 1962). 
2. Pieter Lessing, Africa's Red Harvest (New York, The John Day Company, Inc., 1962), p. 13. Pieter 
Lessing was born and educated in South Africa. He comes from an old Afrikaans family (descendants 
of early Dutch settlers in South Africa). He was a war correspondent during the Second World War, 
and has since served as a foreign correspondent for various British and American news services, 
including the BBC and the Christian Science Monitor. He has lived in many countries and has spent a 
considerable amount of time behind the iron curtain. He has also traveled extensively in Africa. 
3. In 1920 Stalin wrote: "We are for the secession of India, Arabia, Egypt, Morocco, and the other 
colonies from the Entente, because secession in this case would mean the liberation of those 
oppressed countries from imperialism, and a weakening of the position of imperialism, and a 
strengthening of the position of the revolution. We are against the secession of the border regions, a 
weakening of the revolutionary might of Russia, and a strengthening of the position of imperialism." 
Stalin, A Collection of Articles on the National Question (October 1920), author's preface. 
Republished in Selected Works (1953), vol. 4, pp. 385-386. 
4. In all fairness, it should be noted that there were and are many sincere Africans who had no 
ulterior motives in wanting independence. They believed what the Communist radio and press told 
them--that they would lead better and fuller lives after independence. Some of them, too, had very 
real grievances against the Belgians. But the fact remains that very little support for independence 
came-from the Congo itself. Practically all of it came from outside interests. 
5. Senator Thomas Dodd, Congressional Record (August 3, 1962). Also, Congressman Donald C. 
Bruce, Congressional Record (September 12, 1962). 
6. Statement by Bishop Fulton J. Sheen in the Tablet (Brooklyn, April 15, 1961). Entered in the 
Congressional Record by Congressman Donald C. Bruce (September 12, 1962). 
7. Hempstone, p. 123. 
8. Conor Cruise