The Shadow Party: How George Soros, Hillary Clinton, and Sixties Radicals Seized Control of the Democratic Party

The Shadow Party: How George Soros, Hillary Clinton, and Sixties Radicals Seized Control of the Democratic Party


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the \u201cFree Mumia\u201d chants that erupted periodically from the crowd and with Jesse Jackson\u2019s incendiary charges that Republicans were racists. Comic activist Al Franken provided the entertainment.
Despite the multitude of issues raised, both Shadow Conventions had a clear, overriding theme, which was campaign finance reform. The keynote speaker at the Los Angeles Shadow Convention was Senator Feingold and the keynote speaker at the Philadelphia Shadow Convention was Senator McCain.
Both Senators spoke on the supposedly urgent need to pass the legislation that would become the McCain-Feingold Act. Feingold said, \u201cI am in Los Angeles as a Democratic Party delegate for a reason and I\u2019m enthusiastic about the efforts of my party to win the election in the fall. But my friends, I confess to you that as I came in to L.A. yesterday, I had a real feeling of disappointment with what has happened to our conventions, to our government, and to our democracy. It seems that this convention nearby here is all about money, and especially, corporate money. This is why I believe there are Shadow Conventions. This is why I believe there are strong protests at both national conventions.\u201d35
In fact, as Senator Feingold was well aware, the reason there were Shadow Conventions had nothing to do with popular outrage over money in politics. Quite the contrary. Like the campaign finance reform movement itself, the Shadow Conventions were a manifestation of money in politics. Without funding from George Soros\u2019 Open Society Institute and other Pewgate foundations, the Shadow Conventions could not and would not have occurred, any more than McCain-Feingold could eventually have passed into law.
In fact, few signs of any populist zeal for campaign finance reform could be observed at either event. When John McCain spoke at the Philadelphia Shadow Convention, he was nearly driven from the stage by hecklers angry over his sponsorship of the Navajo-Hopi Relocation Act, which would force many Indian families off their land. Cries of \u201cIndian killer\u201d peppered the auditorium during his speech.36 Reporter Matt Labash who attended the event wrote, \u201cOn the second day, the shadow people get down to the serious business of campaign finance reform. Very serious, in fact. So serious that nobody seems actually to want to show up, so the shadow conveners cordon off the back two-thirds of the auditorium\u2019s seating with duct tape, forcing people to sit up front so as not to spoil the photo-op.\u201d37
Public apathy toward campaign finance reform, however widespread, did not prevent McCain-Feingold from being enacted as the law of the land. McCain-Feingold passed not because the American people wanted it, but because George Soros and his Pewgate allies wanted it.
According to Arianna Huffington, major funders of the Shadow Conventions included the Open Society Institute, the Pew Charitable Trusts, the Carnegie Foundation, and the Arc Foundation.38 According to Time magazine, the largest single contributor to the Shadow Conventions was Soros\u2019 Open Society Institute, which put up about a third of the total cost.39 At this time, few journalists knew who George Soros was. But columnist Robert Novak did and castigated John McCain for appearing at what he presciently dubbed \u201cThe Soros Convention.\u201d40
In the final analysis, the Shadow Conventions were symbolic affairs. They represented no party and nominated no candidates for office. But they put America on notice that a third force had entered the political arena. That force was George Soros.
 
9
 
	The Shadow Party
	
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THE CONNECTION
 
Harold Ickes shuns publicity. He does not like or trust reporters. Even those interviewers who sympathize with Ickes\u2019s left-wing politics find him elusive, brusque, sarcastic and uncooperative. During the 2004 presidential campaign, Ickes granted an interview to New York Magazine writer Michael Crowley. The hapless scribe placed a digital audio recorder on the table between himself and Ickes. Ickes eyed the device \u201cquizzically,\u201d according to Crowley. Then he said, \u201cThat\u2019s a pretty nifty little deal there. Boy.\u201d This manner Crowley described as \u201cdisarmingly folksy.\u201d But suddenly Ickes\u2019 voice grew hard and \u201cpenetrating dark eyes\u201d met Crowley\u2019s. \u201cI\u2019m usually off the record,\u201d said Ickes. \u201cSo there\u2019s no sense in turning the f---ing thing on.\u201d1
Nowadays Ickes must acclimate himself to a great deal more publicity than he tolerated in the past. His role as unofficial CEO of George Soros\u2019 Shadow Party has put him at the forefront of an historic power struggle. Now, in or out of election season, any move by Ickes draws attention from the press. After John Kerry had won the Democratic party nomination to be its 2004 candidate, Democratic strategist Howard Wolfson suggested that, outside the official Kerry campaign, Ickes \u201cis the most important person in the Democratic Party today.\u201d2 With Kerry out of the picture, Wolfson can repeat that same claim today without condition or qualifier. Ickes is indisputably \u201cthe most important person in the Democratic Party,\u201d bar none. As always, throughout his career, Ickes\u2019 importance lies primarily in his willingness to do what others fear to do.
As the liaison between Soros\u2019 Shadow Party and \u201cHillaryland\u201d\u2014insider jargon for Hillary\u2019s official political machine\u2014Ickes operates in a gray area of the law, where almost anything he does could plausibly be interpreted as a violation of the McCain-Feingold Act. He provides for Soros and Hillary\u2014 that is, for the Shadow Party and the Democrats\u2014the coordination that these allied networks desperately require, but which they are forbidden by law from achieving. This is the type of job that Ickes does best. As a political operative, he has always moved along the fringes of the law. For him, it is familiar terrain.
Like most Shadow Party leaders, Ickes began his political career in the Sixties Left. He was recruited in 1964 by Stanford University professor Allard Lowenstein, a Democrat activist whose skill at luring young people into radical causes earned him the sobriquet \u201cthe Pied Piper.\u201d Under Lowenstein\u2019s guidance, Ickes turned up on every noteworthy political battlefront of the Sixties and early Seventies. He served as a Freedom Rider in the Deep South, registering black voters for the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). In 1965, Ickes traveled to the Dominican Republic, where he lent assistance to a junta of leftist colonels seeking to oust the sitting government. Some of the rebels displayed a worrisome degree of sympathy for Castro\u2019s revolution. The plot was foiled when President Johnson landed 20,000 Marines on the island.3
Ickes next followed Lowenstein to New York, where they went to work organizing resistance to the Vietnam War. Angry over Johnson\u2019s prosecution of the war, Lowenstein had started a \u201cdump Johnson\u201d campaign, which proved remarkably popular among left-wing Democrats. Lowenstein\u2019s project eventually crystallized around the candidacy of Senator Eugene McCarthy, a radical dove who demanded unconditional US withdrawal from Vietnam. With Lowenstein pulling strings for him behind the scenes, Ickes became co-manager of McCarthy\u2019s New York presidential campaign.4 Later, Ickes worked for another anti-war candidate, George McGovern, who ran on a campaign slogan of \u201cBring America Home\u201d in 1972.
It was through his involvement in the Vietnam protest movement that Ickes met Bill Clinton. Both found themselves working together on Operation Purse Strings in 1972. This was a grassroots lobbying effort aimed at pressuring Congress to cut off aid to Cambodia and South Vietnam.5 The campaign eventually succeeded and both governments fell, with catastrophic consequences for the Cambodians and Vietnamese.
It was Ickes\u2019 later stint as a labor lawyer that appears to have left the deepest stamp on his character. During the years when Ickes