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����ē � ���þ ē �� ē �������ē +�����ē ���������ē =W�.��2ē ¶��T?�ē �J�����ē ��vē � ��� � ē ���ē ���ē ����*!� �¬ē V:�����3ē ������� ē � !�@��� ē �*�OF �ē � |7����ē ���������ē���-� ē ��ē �:������ē ��� � ē#�����ē 'M����� ēß�����ē �ē���ē��"� �ē ���� ����ē ����D���ē �����D��ē qAae#���� ē ·pÀ¹Åēm�°?ēVNvē� ē ���ē ���ē ��H���ē Ù������+ē]� ē ������ē P� :�ē % ���G��Ü�ēY��ü��øô ē!��I ��ē C*��0��� ē ���u���ē ���&ē ��������ē Ú%���ÿ��Ĉē é�!������ē �,���ê�^�ē ��*ē ���ē � [/� ���ē ��ē ��y�� hē =y� ®U\�6ilē Ò�ē�&� ē���ē���ē���!\ ē���Û����� ē��ē ����ē�����2ē"3��ē ē�3�ē������ē�Xē���ē �������¥ ����� ē �'�z���Éē Õ������ēZ�$�ē����ē"�4b���ē��ē �� �ē ~��I�[��ēP��.Ē ��bē %�� ���ē�ē �����;B$�ē�� "��ē =Ë "�� �ē S��6>Rē×������ē ����ē����(C�� ē D������G��Ąē !���� ��e�ē�3�ē���������ē��ē��\�����ē ����� ē����%�ē�����Dē��ē�-�)� L �cē Í �č��*�: �ē ¸��TÆK ?¯¼ēÔ�����ēÎ�ĉd#���1 ē Y��ē ë������� ē �D����ē��ò����ēQ��ē CULTURE'S SHIP 9 the 'frame' in which people derive a sense of who they are, how they should act, and where they are going" but grants identity an "executive role'' as "fundamentally the problem-solving tool for coping in particular environ ments." Identity thus becomes •'the action unit of culture" (ibid.: 186).7 From the standpoint of this volume, there is no need to reduce the cul ture-identity linkage to a single invariant fonnula. The more promising move at this point is to highlight the complexities of the culture-identity linkage, and show how both concepts map in interesting ways into ongoing IR controversies, such as the structure-agent or anarchy-hierarchy debates. This observation takes us directly to the next section in our rationale.HARNESSING THE RETURN: RECONCILING THE "CULTURAL" AND THE "SCIENTIFIC" IN IR THEORY So how do we move from here to the land of better knowledge on inter national relations? At first blush, those who have managed to keep intact their belief in a single, highly standardized, easily accessible implement for the fast assembly of certified knowledge (the "scientific method"), seem best qualified to chart the course. Their prescribed course of action would most likely include the following points: In the past, we've had our doubts that it is possible to engage the cultural without losing--or badly compro mising-the scientific. We realize now that problems of measurement in the study of culture are every bit as tractable as comparable problems in the study of economics and geopolitics. The priority is to move quickly from metaphysical affirmations that culture and identity matter to empirical demonstrations of "how they matter, and how their effects can be systemat ically studied by social scientists" (Goldstein and Keohane, 1993:6). Two imperatives will stand out in particular: First, keep a safe distance from the "purgatory" (ibid.:26) of second-order (that is, metatheoretical) analysis; second, converge swiftly on a single type of scholarly operation, namely the fonnal articulation and the empirical testing of causal hypotheses relating culture/identity/ideas to behavioral outcomes. The need for a sound empirical dimension in a working research pro gram cannot be denied. However, neither the exclusive validity of a posi tivist/empiricist/behavioralist shortcut to reconciling culture and science in international relations nor the irrelevance of metatheoretical reflection to such an effort seems to necessarily folJow. In IR, as elsewhere, a successful blending of culture and science requires a clear understanding of the histor ical context and the scholarly practices that have rendered them incompati ble in the first place. And surely at a historical and intellectual moment when both culture and science are in a state of flux, adopting a strict metatheory avoidance strategy toward their reconciliation virtually secures deep onto logical and epistemological misunderstandings. 8 ��� �� � ����� � 8REEÄ @£VBE;¥W¢Ä XÄ ;¥W@¬n<Ä £EEÄ ¥Ä @;¥ZÄ <P<Y£¥Ä ;Ä E<¥¬EÄ £E¥¥nWPÄ Y¥Ä <Ä GZ£¥Ä CE#£W¥[²\¢¥$EYW@]£¥Ä oB"Ä *_£¥ Ä¢¬@RÄ ;Ä ;<@RÄ pE;C¢Ä¦Ä<Ä�³<W;=qE�@E¥EEBÄCEn��ĵU_@RÄS;£Ä>EEIJYP¢n¹Ä@S<nnEPEBÄ WÄ E@E¥Ä ¹E<£Ä �&=>¥¥ Ä ���������� 7E@C Ä Ä ;¢¥Ä E¸EYE@EÄ µW¥SÄ ¥REÄ �²<i;=nEÄ;;@R �Ä;£Ä;vXEDÄ¥Ä@¬u¥¬EÄ;BÄWBE¥^¥º ÄR<£Ä>EEÄG¬Br¹Ä CY¢;W¥^P�%Ä'DÄ ¥S_B Ä £Z@EÄ ¥REÄ£W¥V²Z¢©#EWW@Y£¥ÄREPE¹Ä Z£Ä [¥¢EnGÄ GE¬E¥nºÄ Y²lEBÄ <¢Ä <Ä _EÄ @¬n`¥Ä YÄ E¸n;WZPÄ ¥REÄ <PW;nX¾;§WÄ HÄ @¬n¥¬EÄ <BÄ [CE¨W¥¹Ä �2W£;Ä <BÄ +EPE�Ä ����� �����EÄ ;¹Ä ¬E£¥ZÄ ¥REÄ ¬CE@EÄ GÄ E¥¬£¥WPÄ ¥REÄ @E¥Ä @¬q¥¬E�¢@WE@EÄ E@@WnY<¥WÄ jE@¥Ä ¥Ä ¥RX£Ä ²E¹Ä ;;@T�Ä -BEEB�Ä <£Ä;ÄEqCEÄ ¥ÄEµ<CYPÄ EYW@<nÄ µlÄ µEĵZnrÄ EECÄ <Ä @nE;À EĬDE£¥<CWPÄIĵR;¥Ä 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INTRODUCTION criticism is fol1owed by substantive efforts to chart new research direc tions. The volume is divided into four parts. Following the introduction, (Chap. l ), is a historical context for thinking about culture and identity in international relations (Chap. 2). Part 2 focuses on critical engagements with neorealism. It includes contributions (Chaps. 3, 4, 5, and 6) dealing, in dif ferent ways, with the emerging effort "to culture'' IR's still-dominant tradi tion. Part three, shifts the attention to culture and identity in perspectives other than realism. Included are chapters on environmentalism (Chap. 7), feminism (Chap. 8), postmodernism (Chap. 9), and normative theory (Chap. 1 0). Finally, part 4 offers a concluding overview of the entire volume (Chap. 11 ). Preview of Chapters In a volume predicated on the importance of culture and identity, the second chapter, by Yale Ferguson and Richard Mansbach, has a lot to offer. The authors start with a simple conviction: When science fails to measure up to reality, it is time to modify science. As far as Ferguson and Mansbach are concerned, in the aftermath of the Cold War IR theory represents failed science. If so, the critical question is not whether, but with what, to replace this defeated body of knowledge. Engaging this question brings the authors face to face with the key dilemma in any empirical work namely, "what to look at and by inference, what can be safely ignored." It is with their stand on this dilemma that Ferguson and Mansbach join this return of culture and identity project. For their answer stipulates that "contests for loyalty and the changes in affiliation that they produce are the stuff of history." Whatever else they may chose to sacrifice on the altar of parsimony. IR theorists cannot hope to both ignore the manner in which "old political affiliations evolve or die and new ones emerge'' and keep theory adequate to the realities of political practice. And yet ignoring such "stuff' is precisely what IR theorists did in recent years, with predictably disastrous results. The purpose of Chapter 2 is both to explicate the origins of the problem and to offer some applicable solutions. With respect to the former, the diffi culty is traced back to the deficiencies of statecentric theorizing and to the obdurate grip of the Westphalian model on the political and scientific imag ination of most IR theorists. With respect to the latter, IR theorists are invit ed "to conceive of global politics as involving a world of 'polities' rather than states and focus on the interrelationships among authority, identity, and ideology." The coauthors demonstrate the rewards of such a theoretical refo cusing in six carefully selected case studies that should render the continued subscription to a symmetrical world of Westphalian "like-units" rather diffi cult to maintain. One suspects that putting forward an empirically based CULTURE'S SHIP 13 argument that "the real world of politics has always been one of layered, overlapping, and interacting polities" is a main ambition of this chapter. Needless to say, when many observers regard the flux in identities, loyalties, and beliefs we are currently experiencing as somehow unique and unprece dented, a historical reminder that "this sort of thing has happened many times before" is of considerable importance. In terms of abstract conceptual and analytic baggage. Ferguson and Mansbach prefer to trave.llight in this particular set of historical case stud ies. They are, however, warmly sympathetic to a quick return of culture's ship to the pluralistic theoretical inlet with which they have long been affil iated. To be sure, they are particularly interested in those part:s of the "cargo" that lend themselves to productive applications to polities other than nation states. In this, Ferguson and Mansbach find themselves in solid agreement with many other participants in this volume, but not with Alex Wendt, whose contribution is next. In the third chapter, Alex Wendt follows a highly refined discursive strategy that blends interpretative understanding with causal explanation, first-order analysis with second-order elucidation, and theoretical continuity with deep theoretical reconstruction. Wendt situates himself squarely with in the reflectivist camp to develop a new theoretical synthesis labeled "struc tural idealism." This position is guardedly "idealistic'' because of its empha sis on intersubjective (or cultural) rather than material factors; it is "structural" because the intention is to theorize collective identity formation at the systemic, as opposed to the unit, level. Since prime attention is given to socially constructed "meanings," his "constructivist" approach seems consistent with interpreti vism; however, since reference is also made "to causal mechanisms that . . . promote collective state identities" it is also favorably predisposed toward causal explanation. Insofar as Wendt pursues substantive interests in the structural transformation of the Westphalian sys tem, his inquiry is unmistakably of the "first order" type; however, insofar as this substantive interest is sustained by a meticulous elucidation of relat ed epistemological and ontological issues, it is also "second order" in a deep metatheoretical sense. Finally, as long as Wendt keeps his entire project within the "anarchy problematique" he maintains theoretical continuity with neorealism and other mainstream positions; however, as soon as he prioritizes intersubjec tive structures over material structures, in the neorealist "hardcore," his pro ject becomes theoretically reconstructive in a profound, as opposed to a cos metic manner. With reference to the return project pursued in this volume, Wendt identifies materialism and rationalism-rather than realism and sta tism-as the main leakage points through which culture, identity, and "meaning" are constantly draine<l out of the IR theoretical corpus. Culture and identity are central to his effort to plug these leaks and restore vigor to this troubled scholarly enterprise. In terms of our maritime metaphor, 14 INTRODUCTION Wendt's chapter is testimony to the fact that the unloading and the invento rying of culture's ship's "cargo" is already in full swing, at least at the par ticular pier called "constructivism." ln the fourth chapter, Naeem Inayatullah and DavidBlaney join the quest for an IR approach that is "amenable to the theoretical return of cul ture and identity." In so doing, they also situate Wendt's argument in a more critical context. While sympathetic to Wendt's general project, these coau thors insist that the latter's critique does not extend far enough to render Waltz's seminal contribution-and, by extension, the IR theoretical enter prise itself-meaningful. The core problem, we are told, is Wendt's refusal to resolutely part with the "anarchy problematique." For, in the view of these coauthors, it is simply impossible to meaningfully culture IR theory without severing its biblical connection to the profoundly ahistorical and acultural "state of nature" fiction. Is there value, they implicitly wonder, in tinkering with putative leakages within the anarchy problematique (that is, material ism and/or rationalism), if the entire construct is so inherently and irre versibly incapable of retaining any culture, identity, or meaning-related con tent? Whereas Wendt approaches the main deck on culture's ship looking for updated and well-established sociological tools (constructivism), Inayatullah and Blaney seek inspiration in a clandestine corner, where exot ic implements for "the study of Otherness as a fundamental category of experience and reflection, and as an important perspective in the study of human thought, intercourse and culture" (Corbey and Leersen, 1991 :viii) are secretively displayed. Here, they astutely acknowledge the relevance of "cultural encounters" (as developed by Tzvetan Todorov and Ashis Nandy) to the IR theory enterprise and harness this construct in a valiant effort to steer Wendt's work-and the entire return of culture and identity project to a different-and in their view more promising-direction. Let the reader make up his or her own mind as to the merits of this cre ative, if somewhat promiscuous, conjoining of Waltz, Wendt, Todorov, and Nandy. Three observations are in order, however. First, Inayatullah and Blaney identify the human urge to meaningfully "discover the other" as the deep motive for both individual and collective encounters. Second, while sustained by postmodern ideas, their incisive criticism of Waltz and Wendt explicitly rejects the notion of a quick dismissal of mainstream contribu tions. And finally, this chapter does much to clarify why the theme of cul tural encounters, which has generated so much interest in other fields, also raises some central questions in international theorizing. In the fifth chapter, Sujata Chakrabarti Pasic frontally challenges the members of the IR scholarly community-realists, rationalists, and "soci etalists" in general�to place their theoretical endeavors in "an explicitly cultural context." She insists that the sustained hesitation to move from implicit to explicit engagements with culture-a hesitation shared even by CULTURE'S SHIP 15 scholars interested in international society and interstate sociality-has had a crippling effect on the IR theoretical enterprise. To rectify this problem, Chakrabarti Pasic engages in a bifocal effort designed "to bring both sys tems and culture back into international relations theory." Based on a bal anced combination of critique and substantive suggestions for better theo rizing, this chapter joins and broadens theoretical debates opened in the previous two chapters. Chakrabarti Pasic goes beyond pleading for a reintroduction of the cul ture "variable" into IR theorizing. In her view, when "culture" and "system" are properly theorized, the very distinction between international and inter cultural relations is rendered redundant. In fact, her case against both Wendt and Buzan rests partly on their putative readiness to sacrifice the complexi ty of culture on the altar of a narrow understanding of science. Be that as it may, this author approaches culture's ship with a clear objective in mind. Justly suspecting that her object of interest may not be on current display, she goes straight to a lower deck, where the legacy left by "the cultural historians of the British School" (Spengler, Toynbee, and Wight) is accumulating dust in long-term storage. There slhe redeems the construct of "civilization," which, in her view, is singularly well suited to the task of (re)culturing theIR theoretical enterprise. Sensing, however, that in its present form her fresh acquisition is vulnerable on the science side, prior to returning to shore Chakrabarti Pasic arms herself with "historiogra phy," "myths," (Lakoff and Johnson), and "imagined community" (Benedict Anderson) in the hope of removing this "softness." Chakrabarti Pasic 's ambitious project may well prove feasible. At a minimum, her contribution serves the important function o f sheltering the construct of "civilization" from sensationalist abuses that, following Huntington's influential intervention, are back in fashion .. For the time being, we are well advised to take her suggestions seriously but to defer judgment on whether civiilizational clashes are "the biggest of all problems in world politics" (Bozeman, 1994:25). As wisely put by Irving Louis Horowitz: "It will be interesting to chart the degree to which this (civiliza tional analysis, Y. L.) offers better guidelines than the study of nations that dominated the cold war epoch" ( 1994: 16). Noting the dramatic rise of neorealist interest in issues related to con temporary nationalism, in the sixth chapter Kratochwil and I alert the IR scholarly community to important intellectual opportunities entailed in this long-deferred, but currently evolving, encounter. The chapter affirms the possibility and evaluates the prospects for a progressive identity-based prob lem shift in the neorealist research program. Such a theoretical and empiri cal refocusing should help neorealism touch base again with the subjective constitution of a tumultuous and rapidly self-transforming world order. Like our predecessors, we strive to maintain a productive balance between nega tive criticism and positive construction. And in both respects, we focus 16 INTRODUCTION attention on the role of meta theory in promoting disciplinary reconstructions such as the return of cultlilre and identity project. As to our interest in culture's ship, suffice it to say that the problem shift advocated in this chapter entails a massive and continuous infusion of cul ture and identity-related "cargo" into an IR theoretical enterprise starved for "meaning" (see Chap. II). Kratochwil and I are, more specifically, on the lookout for intellectual tools (abundant in ethnic and cultural studies) that will facilitate a sharper grasp of the ethnonational category. We are particu larly interested in the manner in which the IR debate on culture and identi ty in general, and on nationalism in particular, is conducted, and call atten tion to the merits of "second order" analysis in social theory (Ritzer, 1991 ). The seventh chapter, by Daniel Deudney, serves as a reminder that if history, time, and context play an important role in the construction of viable collective identities, so do geography, space, and place. For the move from the individual ''I" to the collective "we"-which, as Ferguson and Mans bach tell us, is the "stuff' of politics-involves an intricate blending of a "here feeling" with a "we-feeling," both of which are indispensable in the con struction of effective units of macrolevel loyalty and affiliation, such as the "national." Now, imperfect as our understanding of the "we-feeling" is, our comprehension of the "here-feeling" is, according to Deudney, even more defective. This chapter addresses this gap with a theoretical elucidation of the relationship between space, place. and national identity; an empirical observationof this relationship using American nationalism as a relevant case study; and a reasoned prediction that foresees the rise of earth identi ties as viable challengers to ethnic and state-based nationalisms. An anempt to situate this chapter in the context of the entire volume yields interesting results. Deudney approaches the return-of-the-cultural project from the standpoint of another recent "return" in social theory, which seeks to resituate human nature in its biological, ecological, and/or geo graphical contexts. This other return has stimulated, in Deudney's words, "an explosion of political activity and theoretical revisionism." On the IR disciplinary shore, this theoretical revisionism has culminated in the provi sional consolidation of a new theoretical presence known as the "environ mental paradigm" or the "ecological world view" (Hughes, 1994). As a resident of this new theoretical site, Deudney's interest in the return of culture project is driven by a dual insight. First, he senses that an entire dimension (the "here-feeling") may be missing from the study of national and other collective identities. Second, he does recognize that the ecological worldview shares with other IR perspectives a lack of interest in culture and identity. The convergence of these two insights shapes Deudney's interest in culture's ship. He is searching for new conceptual con structs such as "geopiery" (Wright) or "Topophilia" (Yi-Fu Tuan) that can access and elucidate the "here-dimension" of national and other collective identities. Regardless of whether he is right or wrong in his specific fore- CULTURE'S SHIP 17 casts concerning "earth" and national identities, Deudney 's contribution demonstrates the potential for a productive blending of the "cultural return" and the "ecological return" in the study of collective identities. Ann Tickner's contribution, in Chapter 8, shows telling commonalities and revealing differences with Deudney's argument. Like Deudney, Tickner approaches the return-of-culture-and-identity project from the standpoint of a recently established and still struggling, theoretical presence-that is, lR feminism. However. unlike Deudney, as far as identity is concerned, Tickner has no reason to be apologetic. To the contrary, the reader is promptly and justly informed that "identity has been a central concern in contemporary feminist theory." And in view of the fact that "most contemporary feminist approaches take identity as a starting point for their theoretical construc tions," Tickner casts her argument as an open invitation to all interested par ties to seek inspiration on identity-related issues on "gender•s boat." Tickner's argument introduces the reader to feminist theorizations of identity in general, and to adaptations of these theories to problems con cerning state identities and national identities that are central to internation al relations. Her analysis suggests that difficulties encountered by main stream approaches to culture and identity are intimately related to the way in which these concepts are gendered. If so, paying more careful attention to the gendering problem may show the way not only to better IR theory but also to a more inclusive and less exploitative world. A close reading of Tickner's analysis indeed suggests that many, if not most, of the themes pur sued by other contributors to this volume can benefit substantively from a gender-sensitized context. This is not to say, of course, that gender analysis and cultural analysis simply reduce to one another; it is to say, however, that they can be, and should be, combined in a scholarly productive manner (Kaplan, 1994: 100). David Campbell's contribution, in Chapter 9, is driven by a sense of opportunity following the collapse of Cold War cartography and the unrav eling of realist hegemony in the IR discipline. The opportunity, as Campbell astutely points out, is nothing less than "the possibility to rethink the prob lematic of subjectivity in international politics." The author moves vigor ously into this opening to "refigure the state," "re-imagine America," and reconsider "'balkanization' at home and abroad." On this basis, Campbell mounts a devastating ethicopolitical critique of American and Western poli cy toward the Balkan crisis. Based on a provocative reconceptualization of "identity" that inverts common-sense understandings of the s.tate as existing prior to, and independent from, its "foreign policy," this analysis refresh ingly highlights the intimate-but rarely acknowledged-relationship between co-occurring debates over "national interest," "multiculturalism," and "ethnic conflict" in the United States and abroad. Campbell's themes and concerns are predicated on distinctly postmod ern scholarly sensibilities. The analysis invokes the absence of bedrock cer- 1 8 INTRODUCTION tainties as a defining context, deepened by the recent demise of the Cold War system but also indicative of a postmodern condition. The postulated "deconstructibility" of polities in general, and of America in particular, is the centerpiece in Campbell's argument. It denotes a postmodern outlook that rejects--or at least, tries to go beyond-"foundations" and "essence talk" and embraces an image of constant reversibility and permanent inter action. Dismissing criticisms that depict postmodern understandings of identity and sociality as unethical and politically disabling, Campbell con cludes with the "outrageous" notion "that without deconstruction there might be no question of ethics, identity, politics. or responsibility." Situating Campbell's contribution requires a slight modification of our organizing metaphor. To refer to postmodernism as a new scholarly para digm-involving boats, inlets, piers, and so on-would betray a lack of sen sitivity to its antiessentialist/antifoundationalist spirit. To preempt such a violation and stay within the ambit of our maritime imagery, I will borrow Michael Dear 's vivid depiction of postmodernism as a "tidal wave" hitting the social sciences "with predictable consequences" ( 1 994:299). Campbell's chapter forcefully rides this tide and adds a refreshingly controversial voice to the return of culture and identity project in international relations. The productive manner in which this chapter interacts with other chapters in this volume confirms, however, that in international relations, as in other schol arly domains. modernist and postmodernist efforts "can learn from each other and benefit from each other's insights (Sassower, 1 993 :443). In Chapter 1 0, Friedrich Kratochwil engages the concept of citizenship "as a prism for investigating the problem of inclusion and exclusion that is fundamental to the problem of political order." In so doing, he opens an observational window onto the social practices that constitute "internal" and ''external" domains of politics, inform collectivities of "who" they are, and mediate between thus individuated collectivities and "humanity" in general. The analysis identifies "participation" and "membership" as the two core components of citizenship and highlights the need to go beyond purely cog nitive accounts of such phenomena. On the critical side, Kratochwil's con ceptual analysis suggests a departure from established understandings of cit izenship as an attribute of peop)e or as a legal status. On the positive side, it endorses a historical and nonfoundational understanding of citizenship as an Hinstituted process." The need to revisit citizenship in the post-Cold War era requires no fur ther justification. That such a reth inking takes us deep into the domain of culture and identity is equally well established by this chapter. However, to situate it in this volume, it is helpful to note that Kratochwil 's contributionis inspired by the "return of practical reason" (Alker, mimeo: I) and by the "resurgence of normative theory" (Smith, 1992) in international relations. His argument concerning citizenship echoes the pragmatist insistence that our concepts and theories must be connected to experience and practice CULTURE'S SHIP 19 (Misak, 1994: 123). While concurring with the need to abandon foundations and essence-talk (such as. citizenship as a "thing"), Kratochwil also points out that postmodemism and deconstructionism are not the only, or neces sarily the best, venues to pursue such objectives.IO Equally instructive is his use of political theory-Humean philosophy in particular-as a corrective to theories that ignore "feelings" and other noncognitive dimensions of social reality. In this sense, the chapter reminds would-be visitors on cul ture's ship to pay careful attention to updated political theory and pragmat ic philosophy exhibits. In the concluding chapter, Kratochwil takes another look at some basic themes that surface from arguments presented in this book and delineates future directions for the return of culture and identity project. The theme of "return" is effectively juxtaposed with the notion of "intermittent episodes of 'amnesia"' to address the "question of fad." To bring culture and identity into focus as a promising research agenda, Kratochwil emphasizes the con stitutive nature of the current preoccupation with culture and identity. And to explicate the implications of culture and identity as a new research pro gram for world politics, he discusses them under the suggestive rubrics of "systems," "historicity," and "meaning." Engaging our organizing metaphor, Kratochwil leaves us, however, with the sugg:estion that by embarking on "culture's ship" the IR theoretical enterprise will remain "at sea" rather than return to a "safe harbor." Regardless of whether it accents the tranquility of a safe harbor or the uncertainty of a stormy sea, the return of culture and identity project is part and parcel of those ''great debates" that "are defining parts of the historicity of any scientific discipline ... (and) are never 'over'" (Aiker, mimeo:2). However, especially today, such debates need not be repetitiv·e or redundant. For, as perceptively said by Clifford Geertz, "Learning to exist in a world quite different from that which formed you is the condition, these days, of pursuing research you can on balance believe in and write sentences you can more or less live with" (1995:101). We can only hope that ensuing addenda to IR 's ongoing debate on culture and identity will be of the kind that Geertz has in mind. NOTES 1. Indeed, even the notoriously orthodox subfield of security studies seems to be moving in a similar direction. For we are now reliably informed that in current security analysis, "the site of security has spread from state to nation, from sover eignty to identity" (Waever, 1994: 1). 2. As astutely pointed out by Joane Nagel (1994:152), identity and culture "are fundamental to the central projects of ethnicity: the construction of boundaries and the production of meaning" (ibid.: 153). And boundaries are, in tum, central to inter national relations theories, which are well described as "theories of relations across borders" (Walker, 1992: 18). 20 INTRODUCTION 3 . A materialist/rationalist/positivist regulative consensus continues to play an important, if weakened, role in this context. This consensus insists on: (a) the epiphenomenal role of "immaterial" (cultural/ideational/mental) forces; (b) the "nonproblematic" (fixed/given) nature of actors/identities/selves; and (c) the methodological resistance of culture and identity to "genuine" (positivist/empiricist) modes of scientific analysis. See Mearsheimer ( 1995) and Zartman (1993) for recent rearticulations of this far-from-defeated consensus. For a comprehensive critique, see Walker ( 1990b) and Wendt in this volume. 4. Anthony Cohen, for instance, portrays identity as "an awful portmanteau carrying all sorts of murky cargo" ( 1 993: 195). And James Cl ifford depicts culture as "a deeply compromised idea (he) cannot yet do without." See also Wolf 1 994. 5. A similar problem is apparent in Barry Posen's recasting of "anarchy" and "security dilemma" in terms of ethnic groups. See Chapter 6. See also Chris Shore's ( 1993) excellent critique of the dominant models of culture and identity currently used by European Community officials. 6. See, for instance, Will Kymlicka 's depiction of the "downplay" of culture as the root cause for the continuing misunderstanding of nationalism ( 1 995: 1 32). 7. Fitzgerald uses the following metaphor to depict the cul ture-identity link age: Culture equals the map; identity equals the compass. ldentity thus becomes the critical bridging concept mediating between culture and action ( 1993: 186). This depiction leaves ample room for studying the culture-identity link as an interpreta tive enterprise in the Geertzian sense. 8. One such mistake is to conflate ontology, epistemology, and methodology and to assume that the interpretative makeup of the social world necessi tates an ''interpretative'' methodology. See Jepperson and Swidler (1994:368). 9. See, in particular, W.J .M. Mackenzie's ( 1 978) fascinating reconstruction of the "murder" of "political identity." 10. As pointed out by Se igfried: "The pragmatic appeal to experience has the same subversive intent as the poststructuralist appeal to the indeterminacy of the text. But it also allows and provides for something more, namely, a legitimate means of closure, albeit one that is always finite and particular and in principle revisable" ( 1 992: 15 1 ). 2 The Past as Prelude to the Future ? Identities and Loyalties in Global Politics Yale H. Ferguson & Richard W. Mansbach -- Theory purports to tell us what to look at and, by inference, what can be safely ignored. By simplifying reality, theory helps us organize our beliefs about an ever-changing world and offers an intellectual foundation for poli cies. Bad theory almost inevitably means bad policies. Unfortunately, the failure to predict (or adequately to explain, even in retrospect) the end of the Cold War, adds powerfully to evidence from many other quarters that some thing is seriously wrong with our theories of global politics (Allan, 1 992). International relations theorists have difficulty accounting for change, 1 par ticularly when it arises from massive shifts in loyalties from one set of authorities to another. The demise of the Soviet empire surprised statecen tric theorists in part because their theories could not accommodate a revival of old identities. Such theories are equally useless when i t comes to address ing mini-nationalisms, tribal violence in Africa, the globalization of busi ness and finance, or criminal cartels. Surely we must discard and replace theory that fails to shed light on issues that any reader of today 's headlines knows are most important. But replace it with what? In our view, we should· conceive of global politics as involving a world of "polities" rather than states and focus on the relation ships among authority, identities, and ideology.2 Central questions are: In particular times and places, who or what controls which persons with regard to which issues, and why? How and why do old political affiliations evolve or die and new ones emerge?3 Since political evolution and devolution presumably involve bedrock processes that are as old as political association itself, it is critical to escape our Eurocentric blinders and adopt the widest possible historical perspec tive. Our own response to this challenge has been to analyze six historical cases selected for temporal, cultural, and geographicdiversity. The six cases are: ( l ) the world's first great civilization in Mesopotamia, which arose in the mid-third millennium BC and lasted until the Persian conquest in the sixth century Be; (2) the Greek world, from the Archaic period of eighth cen- 2 1 22 INTRODUCTION tury BC until its conquest by Macedonia in 338 BC; (3) Mesoamerica, from the emergence of Olmec culture about 1250- 1 150 BC until after the Spanish conquest; ( 4) China. from the early Chou era of about 1 1 00 Be until the end of the Han era in AD 220; (5) the Islamic world, from AD 622 until the Mongol sack of Baghdad in the thirteenth century; and (6) Italy, from the decline of Rome in the fourth century AD until the Golden Age of the Renaissance in the fifteenth century. 4 ��POLITIES" RATHER THAN "STATES" "Polities" in our definition are entities with a significant measure of institutionalization and hierarchy, identity, and capacity to mobilize persons for value satisfaction (or relief from value deprivation). We regard the sov ereign territorial states that are associated with the Westphalian settlement of 1 648 as only one type of polity. All but perhaps the very earliest "primi tive" (pre)historical epochs have been characterized by layered, overlap ping, and interacting polities-coexisting, cooperating, and/or conflicting. Indeed, a range of overlapping or embedded polity types may govern effec tively, each within a specified (not necessarily exclusive) domain, over one or more issues. A polity 's domain includes the persons who identify with it, the resources ( including ideological resources) it has, and the issue(s) it affects. No polity is omnipotent, controlling all persons and resources with regard to all issues. Although all polities have a territory of sorts-where the persons that identify with the polity are-that territory need not be clearly demarcated. A polity need not have a "center," though it is a disadvantage not to have one--or to have more than one, like the medieval papacy at one stage or the late Roman Empire. All our historical cases suggest the utility of the dis tinction made by Sahlins (1989:4) between "boundary" and "frontier." A boundary, like that of a Westphalian state, is a "precise linear division with in a restrictive, political context"; a frontier "connotes more zonal qualities, and a broader, social context." The linear boundary typified the Westphalian polity with its territorial view of society, reinforced by the European princi ple of contract and Euclidean conceptions of space. The idea of a zonal fron tier allows for overlapping "civilizations," with continuity regardless of changing linear boundaries. Nevertheless, just as there is a propensity among many international relations theorists to exaggerate the significance of Westphalian state boundaries, there is a tendency among them to ignore the extent to which many other polities do have wel l-defined boundaries. Our cases reveal an enormous variety of polities. Those of the greatest significance in ancient Mesopotamia were cities, and loyalty to city consis tently threatened to undermine empires. Once cities arose, many grew rapid ly in size, population, and prosperity. Lagash, one of the largest Sumerian IDENTITIES AND LOYALTIES IN GLOBAL POL ITICS 23 cities. had 30,000-35,000 residents. By comparison, during the sixth centu ry Babylon-which was the center of a much larger polity-alone had a population of 1 00,000. The Mesopotamian city was a genuine economic center, not just a political and cultic core like the less-integrated "village state" model prevailing in China and some parts of Mesoamerica. Other key polities in the Mesopotamian case included large kingdoms (regional poli ties) and tribes, both inside and outside Mesopotamia. Temples, large private landowners, and merchants were important economic actors. Mesopotamian tribes and cities afford excellent examples of overlap ping and interactive polity types. Mesopotamian tribes included bedouin nomads, whose only interest in civilization was an occasional raid for plun der, and others who became hired agricultural laborers, settled pastoralists, and/or mercenaries, and thereby acquired "civilized" language and culture. Tribal organization included groups under individual shaikhs, as well as tribal federations, the names of which are associated with an entire people or ethnicity like the Chaldeans,s who nonetheless often fought among them selves and eventually became rulers of Babylon. If city polities were deeply embedded in Mesopotamian tradition, so were empires. Indeed, in the actu al Mesopotamian context, there is ambiguity in both polity types. Some early cities were amalgamations of lesser cities, and various leagues of oth erwise-independent cities may have existed. There were fourteen known major cities in Sumer/Akkad during the Early Dynastic period. According to the Sumerian King-List, after kingship again descended from heaven fol lowing the flood, it was held in succession by a number of cities like Kish, each by implication exercising hegemony. The first Akkadian king, Sargon (23 1 0-2273 BC), not only conquered rival cities, but also he and his grand son Naram-Sin (2246-2 1 90 BC) created an empire that encompassed all of Mesopotamia. The Assyrian empire at its zenith in the seventh century BC reached as far as Egypt and Persia. The city was the leading polity throughout much of the Greek experi ence, but there were also chiefdoms, alliances, hegemonical alliances, empires, and functional regimes for shrines and games. The city polity itself involved two main subtypes. the polis and the ethnos. and both exhibited considerable variety. Because Greek cities were so small, external relation ships loomed large, and a wide range of informal and more institutionalized arrangements overarched the city polity. Alliances were influenced to some extent by historical ties, tribal identities, and constitutional preferences. Some alliances, such as the Spartan, evolved into hegemony, and that of Athens into a form of empire. The ethnos eventually provided a model for a series of federations, and regimes for shrines and games were important within their limited domains. Ultimately, however, no overarching polity threatening the freedom or independence of the individual city-state gained sufficient legitimacy to endure. The Mesoamerican record reveals a rich variety of polities from fami- 24 INTRODUCTION lies to empires. The patrilineal extended family was the basis of early Mesoamerican society, and kinship remained important. In many polities, including those of the classic Maya, a hereditary aristocracy emerged from the former heads of various lineages and came to control productive land, which client families worked. In central Mexico extended-kinship groups also retained a high degree of identity and autonomy. One can still see in Teotihuacan the remnants of what were apparently apartment compounds in which such groups resided. These compounds resemble the urban residences of the calpulli of later Aztec times. Each calpulli worked a particular plot of land or engaged in the same craft, sent its members together into battle, edu cated young boys in its own school, and provided a shrine to honor its patron deity. Beyond family and artificial kinship groups was tribe. Tribal groups overlapped not only with one another but also with other polities. The Aztecs were confused about the legendary Toltecs, from whom they claimed descent. B ut who were the Aztecs? According to their chronicles, they were originally part of a group of seven Chichimec tribes that migrated over sev eral generations from their original home, known as Azthi.n, in western Mexico. One of their leaders was named Meci, from whom they acquiredtheir own tribal name, Mexica. The name Aztec also came to refer to the imperial polity constructed by a Triple Alliance of the Mexica, the Acolhua, and the city of Tlacopan. Long-distance merchant-trader was an important occupational-identity category. The best-documented long-distance merchant-traders were the Aztec pochtecas, who practiced their profession on a hereditary basis, lived in separate barrios in Tenochtithin-Tlatelolco and probably elsewhere, mar ried within their group, had their own courts and laws, and maintained their own shrines, priests, and sacrificial rituals. The pochtecas wore special dress and owed neither personal nor military service to the ruler, though they did pay tribute. The local guild was affiliated with a regional merchants' associ ation stretching across the twelve towns in the center of the Aztec empire. Other Mesoamerican polities were local, subregional, or regional; and local and subregional identities and loyalties proved more durable than those associated with more-inclusive polities. In the Valley of Oaxaca, widely spaced independent villages with dependent hamlets gave way to subre gional centers, then to a single dominant regional poli ty, and finally to sub regional centers again. At its peak, Monte Alban dominated the entire Valley of Oaxaca. In the Lowland Peten before 250 BC, Maya culture was one of scattered small villages. Over the next 500 years some six subregional fortress centers emerged. Overarching Mesoamerican polities included alliances, empires, and a Mayapan ••confederation" that is difficult to distinguish from empire. The overlap between alliances and empire is even more pronounced. After the ID ENTITIES AND LOYALTI ES IN GLOBAL POLITICS 25 fall of the Toltecs and the weakening of residual Olmec control in the B asin of Mexico, three city polities-Azcapotzalco, Culhuacan, and Coatlichan joined in an alliance dominated by the Tepanecs of Azcapotzalco. The newly arrived Aztec-Mexica eventually formed a Triple Alliance with Texcoco and Tlacopan that overthrew Azcapotzalco and inaugurated the Aztec Empire. That empire was only the l ast in a series of preconquest Mesoamerican empires, and at its peak ruled five to six million subjects. The Spanish conquest added the Catholic Church to the list of Mesoamerican polities. No Indian temple priesthood ever matched the degree of autonomy, lands, and wealth the Spanish Church enjoyed. The Pope granted to Spain the Patronato charge of evangelizing the New World, and the King of Spain provided an enormous permanent income. The Church received land grants from the king and wealthy laypersons, and in time came to own or control much of the arable land in Mexico. In ancient China, the family or clan was the basic sociopolitical unit, and China's ethical system was oriented toward the family rather than a supreme being (as in medieval Europe or Islam) or encompassing polity (as in ancient Greece). Since the patriarchal family was regarded as the taproot of other polities, no distinction was made between private and public spheres, and Chinese thinkers easily accepted hierarchy as an organizing principle. The family, rather than any larger polity, provided economic and personal security and was the source of personal and political values for individuals. Religious ideas, military organization, even agricultural labor mobilized from above revolved around the family. During the late Chou era, China consisted of a cluster of city polities, whose capital was home to a l in eage that itself was a political entity. Although Chou influence extended across much of northern China, as many as 200 small walled cities and their environs, especially in the east, retained independence under vassal lords who acknowledged Chou suzerainty. The decline of the Eastern Chou left a number of competing poli ties in control of the north China Plain-some ten to fifteen by the eighth century BC. These sought to build alliances to protect themselves from the predatory policies of neighbors, and a novel approach to curbing instability was adopted in 65 1 BC, when these small polities designated the Ch'i ruler as hegemon of their confederation. Nomadic tribes, ethnically similar to but linguistically distinct from the Chinese, constituted another polity type. Called Hsiung-nu by the Chinese, these nomads spoke a Turkish dialect. Horses provided them with mobility and a11owed them to adapt to the grasslands of the northern steppe, which could not support the intensive agriculture that evolved in China's Yellow River basin. In the third century BC, even as China was being united, a Hsiung-nu tribal federation exercised authority across Mongolia from west ern Manchuria to the edge of the Pamir Mountains in Turkestan. Hsiung-nu 26 INTRODUCTION mobility posed a permanent threat along the frontiers of cultural China and, at their peak, these nomads could put as many as 300,000 mounted archers in the field. Notwithstanding the variety of polities in China, a strong sense of cul tural unity developed early, and the Chinese regarded their civilization as superior to others. As a result, the ideal of an overarching Chinese polity remained strong even during eras in which it was a fiction. The first two his torical dynasties, the Shang and Chou, actually controlled l ittle beyond their capital cities and, under Chou feudalism, the center was weak. Only with the triumph and consolidation of Ch 'in authoritarianism after 22 1 BC did a gen uine imperial polity emerge, and it was short-lived. Despite the myth of con tinuity from the Shang, it was not until the Earlier Han era (202 BC to AD 8) that a durable Chinese empire took root. I slam began as a rebellion against Arab tribal practices, but the death of Muhammad triggered a struggle within the movement that led to clashes between tribal and statist practices, struggles among kinship groups, differ ing class-based perceptions, and strongly held religious beliefs. Three major polity types coexisted uneasily within the medieval Islamic system: tribe, religious community, and empire. Tribal or clan loyalties dominated Arabia prior to the Prophet's revolution, and Muhammad sought to replace tribal attachments with loyalty to a Muslim community of believers. However, Muhammad's authority was putatively derived directly from Allah, and his actions were believed to have divine sanction that was unavailable to others. Ultimately, the identification of religious and secular symbols proved an insurmountable obstacle to institutionalizing "statist" forms and practices. Within Arab society, the extended family produced potent loyalties and was affiliated with a kinship group claiming a common ancestor that would afford protection and, if necessary, seek vengeance. Muhammad was from a secondary branch of the Quraysh tribe, which, through its control of trade routes, was the dominant political force in Mecca and, therefore, Arabia. As his preaching gained converts, Muhammad earned the animosity of leaders of his tribe, ostensibly because he threatened traditional tribal authority, but also because of rivalry between two branches of the Quraysh. The Islamic community was established by the Constitution of Medina that was written by Muhammad after his migration from Mecca to Medina in AD 622. Communal unity was to be based on religious belief rather than tribal affiliation, and tribal practices like blood feuds were to be abandoned. Muhammad's community was not a "state" but an expression of Islamic sol idarity against traditional tribal forms, and in contrast to tribal tradition viewed all individuals, whether or not blood kin, as equals. Religion and lan guage marked, for Muslims, the demarcation between themselves and oth ers, and the Quran was almost
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