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Evidence and Implications of Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production JOANNE LOCKE� AND ALAN LOWE�� �Waikato Management School, New Zealand and � �Aston Business School, UK ABSTRACT This paper uses evidence gathered in two perception studies of Australasian and British accounting academics to reflect on aspects of the knowledge production systemwithin accounting academe. We provide evidence of the representation of multiple paradigms in many journals that are scored by participants as being of high quality. Indeed most of the journals we surveyed are perceived by accounting academics as incorporating research from more than one paradigm. It is argued that this ‘catholic’ approach by journal editors and the willingness of many respondents in our surveys to score journals highly on material they publish from both paradigm categories reflects a balanced acceptance of the multi-paradigmatic state of accounting research. Our analysis is set within an understanding of systems of accounting knowledge production as socially constructed and as playing an important role in the distribution of power and reward in the academy. We explore the impact of our results on concerns emerging from the work of a number of authors who carefully expose localised ‘elites’. The possibilities for a closer relationship between research emerging from a multi-paradigm discipline and policy setting and practice are also discussed. The analysis provides a sense of optimism that the broad constituency of accounting academics operates within an environment conducive for the exchange of ideas. That optimism is dampened by concerns about the impact of local ‘elites’ and the need for more research on their impact on accounting academe. 1. Introduction This paper is premised on an understanding that the process of accounting knowl- edge production is a social construction (Arrington and Schweiker, 1992; Lee, 1995; Lukka and Kasanen, 1996). Understanding the underlying fabrications of European Accounting Review Vol. 17, No. 1, 161–191, 2008 Correspondence Address: Alan Lowe, Aston Business School, Aston Street, Birmingham B4 7ET, UK. E-mail: a.d.lowe@aston.ac.uk 0963-8180 Print/1468-4497 Online/08/010161–31 # 2008 European Accounting Association DOI: 10.1080/09638180701819881 Published by Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francis Ltd on behalf of the EAA. knowledge production is important since it provides the means to examine fun- damental aspects that determine many of the features of the academy and its insti- tutions. The system of knowledge production in accounting reproduces elements common to most academic disciplines (Hopwood, 1976; Whitley, 1984; Lee, 1995; see also Collins, 1982; Smolin, 2006). It relies on individual and groups of academics to write research papers and subject them to peer consideration through conferences, electronic fora such as SSRN and ultimately through sub- mission and review at academic journals. Acceptance in an internationally recognised refereed journal connotes accep- tance of the researchers’ output as making a contribution to knowledge in the field (Zeff, 1996; Hopwood, 2002; Everett et al., 2003; Swanson, 2004; Clark and Wright, 2007; Macdonald and Kam, 2007). Publication of journal articles affords researchers with prestige and a basis for claims for promotion and power over their colleagues (Zeff, 1996; Lee, 2004; Bonner et al., 2006; Macdonald and Kam, 2007). The pivotal importance of acceptance in journals creates a contentious environment inwhich their status and the basis of rejection or acceptance of particu- lar research works may be opened to debate and becomes a research topic itself. Given that our understandings of research quality are fundamentally socially constructed the perceptions of academics about key elements in the production of accounting knowledge are apposite. This paper provides evidence, based on survey research methods, of a critical aspect of the knowledge production process in accounting – namely academicians’ views of the paradigm orientation and ranking of international accounting journals. In the early years of accounting research the approaches adopted were largely normative (Watts and Zimmerman, 1979; Gaffikin, 1987; Tinker and Puxty, 1995). During the 1970s this emphasis was challenged by a positivist school that sought to introduce a reliance on a particular methodology and a requirement for generalisable results as an epistemological basis (Watts and Zimmerman, 1979, 1986; Christenson, 1983; Sterling, 1990). Over a similar period other schools of thought from the social sciences began to make an increasing impact in accounting, so that a rich array of what may be broadly described as interpretive and critical methodologies are now represented in accounting research1 (Gaffikin, 1988; Bricker, 1989; Bricker and Previts, 1990; Belkaoui, 1991; Mouck, 1992, 1993; Morgan and Willmott, 1993; Zeff, 1996). Effectively the normative theorising of the pre-1970s has been displaced by positive accounting, on the one hand, and broadly interpretative and critical theory approaches on the other. The paradigm shifts were so significant as to make communication across boundaries improbable (Arrington and Schweiker, 1992; Mouck, 1992, 1993; Czarniawska, 1998; Kaghan and Phillips, 1998). Given that publication in international refereed journals is a key to promotion and recognition in accounting academia, the question is then whether or not journals that are highly regarded by academics are also perceived as publish- ing a range of materials from different methodological backgrounds or ‘paradigms’. 162 J. Locke & A. Lowe Our surveys of accounting academics sought to address this question by asking them to indicate whether the journals with which they are familiar publish material that was restricted to a single paradigm or work that spanned multiple paradigms. By analysing their responses to this question and how they score the journals for quality, we are able to provide some insights on perceptions of the acceptance of research from different paradigms within the academic community. The broad, international nature of our survey data means that the results do not reflect the particular conditions in all countries or institutions, and therefore cannot speak to the individual experiences of academics. To add some balance to this breadth of our evidence we discuss it in the context of other research that seeks to expose the institutionalisation of localised elites that act to promote their favoured research philosophy or paradigm. This research is limited in its scope, however, and we identify the potential contribution of further research into this area. Similarly, while our data does provide evidence of perceptions of the journals that play a key role in producing knowledge in an academic setting, it does not address the means by which such knowledge can or should be seen as having a role in shaping policy and practice. We outline the potential implications of our analysis of the paradigmatic state of the accounting academy for its possible role in other networks and decision-making environments. The next section of the paper provides a brief discussion of the way in which our analysis is based on a perspective of accounting academe as socially con- structed. A brief literature review of studies of journal quality follows. We then describe the surveys we conducted and the data-sets and their characteristics. The fifth section presents the insights gained in the different jurisdictions. The analysis in this section is presented partly in graphical form to aid comparisons across the two data-sets. Section 6 is concerned with relating our findings to research on localised academic settings. The next section changes the focus of attention to the non-academic environments of policy setting and practice. 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Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 191previous research in localised and policy settings complete the paper. 2. The Social Construction of Accounting Academe It has long been recognised that academics and other professional groups construct their own knowledge and reputational systems and administrative and power hier- archies (Kuhn, 1970; Collins, 1982; Whitley, 1984; Abbott, 1988; Knorr Cetina, 1999; see also Smolin, 2006). Latour (2005) would describe these distinct fabrica- tions as both ‘constructed’ and real. This feature of Latour’s philosophy of knowl- edge systems is predicated on his understanding of the way in which knowledge and facts are produced. All facts are unstable and malleable. They are revealed and made durable only by the fabrications of experimental situations by dedicated and conscientious scientists. This applies in the ‘social’ sciences just as it does in Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 163 the ‘hard’ sciences. Fabrication in this context according to Latour is not at all the same as social construction which he argues has been poorly construed by many scientists of the social. Latour suggests that constructivism,2 as it is used in actor network theory (ANT), means that ‘facts were facts – meaning exact – because they were fabricated – meaning that they emerged out of artificial situations’. This is in opposition to an alternative notion that ‘either something was real and not constructed, or it was constructed and artificial, contrived and invented, made up and false’ (Latour, 2005, p. 90). The structuring, reputation, prestige and power of the academy, its individual members and its institutional bodies is a subject on which many accounting academicians have strong views. More often than not the fiercest controversies surrounding the status of specific articles, individuals, journals and institutions are performed in conversations among groups of academics rather than in published fora. There are examples of published academic contributions that involve questions about the relative ranking of journals (Geary et al., 2004; Beattie and Goodacre, 2006; see also the counterpoint debate in the Journal of Management Studies including Clark and Wright, 2007; Macdonald and Kam, 2007), individual publications and individual academicians (Parker et al., 1998; Wilkinson and Durden, 1998; Cassar and Holmes, 1999), and occasionally about the publication process itself (Tinker and Puxty, 1995; Macintosh, 2004). There is now a good deal of literature that seeks to contribute to our understand- ing of the academy and in particular the quality and prestige of the academic accounting journals. A number of writers acknowledge explicitly the strong inter- dependencies among the hierarchy of the academy and the reputational effects of publishing in highly rated academic journals (Williams and Rogers, 1995; Brown, 1996, 2005; Lowe and Locke, 2005; Bonner et al., 2006). The socially constructed nature of the academy and its institutions, including journal outlets, has been taken up by a number of writers (Reiter and Williams, 2002; Lee, 2004; Williams et al., 2006). In this context, Everett et al. (2003) in a discussion of a study by Brown (2003) which used article downloads to rank journals, describe the research assess- ment process as self-referential and self-replicating: The process becomes self-replicating: business school deans complete a list of top journals for use in research productivity measurement . . . faculty are compelled to stay on top of the literature found in the top journals; faculty download this literature; and the journals in which this literature appears, as a result of Brown’s system, are rated as top journals. Similarly, the exclu- sion of historical, critical, or alternative work, or work based on case research, is reproduced. (ibid., p. 159) Everett et al. demonstrate in their description here the manner in which social construction affects or reinforces our perceptions of what constitutes quality. Rules or institutions are established by people. In this case the business school 164 J. Locke & A. Lowe deans in concert with the ranking providers, such as the Financial Times or Business Week. These ranking services then come to structure the landscape of the academic in relation to tenure, promotion and prestige. The suggestion that reproducing the academic hierarchy is a largely political process in which publication and control of the academic journals and therefore the knowledge production process is central has been reported much more broadly both in the social and the ‘hard’ sciences (Whitley, 1977, 1984; Collins, 1982; Smolin, 2006). Writers in the social sciences suggest that control of the pro- duction of knowledge and consequently the reputational system is especially strong. What counts as knowledge in these disciplines and how it might be ‘discov- ered’ and represented is largely determined by the editors and editorial boards of the elite journals. In this context, it is unsurprising that there is a diverse literature in accounting that addresses the issue of journal quality and ranking. We provide a brief intro- duction to its nature and scope in the next section. 3. Constructing Journal Ranking in Accounting The literature on journal quality has received considerable attention from a variety of perspectives. Ranking studies have largely been based on surveys or citation analysis (Brown and Gardner, 1985; Beattie and Ryan, 1989; Brown and Huefner, 1994; Lee, 1995, 2004; Brinn et al., 1996, 2001; Hasselback et al., 2000). Other approaches have included combining existing journal rankings (Hasselback and Reinstein, 1995; Hasselback et al., 2000; Bonner et al., 2006; Mingers and Harzing, 2006), using research assessment rankings (Beattie and Goodacre, 2006) and analysing library holdings (Zeff, 1996; Locke and Lowe, 2002). A detailed review of this literature is provided by Bonner et al. (2006; see also Reinstein and Hasselback, 1997). Perception studies have taken a number of forms but have until very recently relied on a mailed-out survey instru- ment (Ballas and Theoharakis, 2003; Lowe and Locke, 2005). Important features include: the selection of participants, the method of establishing a basis for ranking (e.g. using a Likert scale), how to establish the population of journals to be included in the survey, and the type of ranking attempted (e.g. ordinal ranked lists or bands of broad quality). Lowe and Locke (2005) and Beattie and Goodacre (2006) discuss the possible impact of these research design choices. Measures of journal quality are necessarily subjective just as journal quality is socially constructed. We have no access to journal quality other than through analysis of the construction of knowledge within the academy (we can only ever hope to proxy this through citation analysis – since it is not possible to objectively rate knowledge production); similarly, we can collect subjective per- ception data from individuals or groups of academicians as to journal quality but this is necessarily subjective, biased and open to misinterpretation (see also Beattie and Goodacre, 2006, who examine a number of metrics based on RAE 2001, statistics and submission decisions). Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 165 Obtaining information on preferences from individual academics is problematic (Morris et al., 1990; Brinn et al., 1996; Milne, 2000; Lowe and Locke, 2002). Indi- viduals’ perceptions of quality are not strictly comparable so aggregation is subject to some biasing. On the other hand, citation studies of accounting journals are limited to those journals that are indexed in citation services such as SSCI (Brown and Huefner, 1994). This is very restrictive in accounting where only a handful of journals are included in SSCI (Beattie and Goodacre, 2006; Williams et al., 2006). According to Beattie and Goodacre ‘UK accounting and finance aca-demics published in 126 different . . . academic journals in the two year period 1998–9 but only 21 of these journals (17%) are abstracted in the SSCI’ (ibid., p. 67) Of these 21, it is likely that only two, TAR and AOS, might be regarded as strictly accounting journals (see also Beattie and Goodacre, 2004). Both types of approach to eliciting a sense of the academy’s perception of the quality of jour- nals suffer from limitations. We have chosen to survey a broad population of accounting academics because it provides us with an opportunity to structure the research so as to unsettle existing perceptions and gather information about the per- ceived representation of different research methodologies across journals. Individual academics differ in their view of journal rankings. Many see them as unreliable and in some cases threatening (Willmott, 1995; Milne, 2000; Gray et al., 2002; Macdonald and Kam, 2007). Others regard the publication of journal rankings as an integral part of the fabrication of the academy and the enactment and maintenance of its hierarchical structures (Williams et al., 2006). Some interpretive researchers (Everett et al., 2003; see also Lowe and Locke, 2002) appear to support research productivity measurement: . . . few would argue, we think, that high academic productivity does not improve the state of higher education, or that productivity should not be a criterion in resource allocation decisions . . . academic productivity performs an important function, and so should be viewed as an important determinant in the decision making process of administrators and policy makers. (Everett et al., 2003, p. 159) Whichever view is taken, there is little doubt that rankings do impact on individual academics and their career choices and opportunities. Particularly since the advent of research assessment structures, journal rankings have been used to identify the top journals in a number of countries. These rankings then play a part in assessing the quality of research outputs for promotion purposes or funding (e.g. Brinn et al., 2001) and provide guidance to enable researchers to target suitable publication outlets (Locke and Lowe, 2002; Hasselback et al., 2003; Brown, 2005; Bonner et al., 2006; see also Prestige Factor at www.prestigefactor.com). The context for the analysis we present is the outcome of two surveys con- ducted using a web-based instrument with accounting academics in Australia, New Zealand and Britain. The replication of the survey across different countries produces some interesting results. Our research while offering some degree of 166 J. Locke & A. Lowe international comparability necessarily runs other potential risks (see Beattie and Goodacre, 2006 for a discussion of the problems of comparability across the dif- fering jurisdictions). There are cultural and institutional differences across the jurisdictions we have surveyed. Some of these differences are likely to relate to the structure of the accounting profession and education; differences in employment and other practices relating to academic faculty and other differ- ences at the various institutional levels. On the other hand, the literature suggests that there is correspondence on perceptions of journal quality among accounting academics in the countries surveyed (Ballas and Theoharakis, 2003). Our survey results allow us to observe some remarkable consistencies as well as show some notable differences which we discuss later in the paper, after the following brief description of the surveys. 4. Description of the Survey Data The data we present later in the paper has been collected during our web-based surveys of accounting academics. The surveys cover a period from 2001 to 2003 and were broadly defined to include all university accounting departments’ members as far as we were able to identify them. The earlier survey was con- ducted in Australasia in 2001 while the later survey was conducted in the UK in 2003. Information about the sample size, demographics and scoring statistics for the journals in the surveys is shown in Appendix A. Explanation of the selec- tion of the journals for the surveys and further description of the mechanics and design of the earlier two web surveys are provided elsewhere (Lowe and Locke, 2002, 2005, 2006; see also Zeff, 1996). In each of the surveys all academics identified as working in university accounting departments in the respective jurisdictions were emailed: 1,2253 indi- viduals in the Australasian survey; 1,314 in the British. The response rates were 17% for the Australasian survey and 16% for the British. This is an acceptable response rate for an email survey (Vehovar and Manfreda, 2000; Boyer et al., 2001). Aspects of the reliability of the sample are discussed in the next section of the paper when we report our analysis on the significance of some of the demo- graphic data such as seniority and research background. We also provide data that indicates the samples are representative of the population in terms of some of the key variables, such as teaching area and seniority. Respondents to the surveys were asked to classify the journals they were familiar with as including positi- vist/functionalist papers, interpretive/critical papers, both or ‘don’t know’.4 The selected journals were then returned on a screen grouped by paradigm cat- egory5 and participants asked to score them on a 7-point Likert scale for quality.6 5. Analysis and Discussion of Results This section first provides an analysis of the combined results of the two surveys. This is followed by a detailed analysis of potential demographic effects on the Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 167 results. The implications of the analysis for the context of knowledge production in accounting are discussed in the last part of this section. 5.1. Combined Survey Results In Figure 1 we show a selection of the survey results from the Australasian and British surveys (see Appendix B for abbreviations of journal titles). The diagram shows the results for 12 journals that were canvassed in both surveys.7 In addition we have included EAR which increases the number of journals depicted in Figure 1 to 13. These journals were chosen to provide a representative mix of journals of differing quality, paradigm orientation and subject area. They cover the major subject specialisms that are reflected in the leading academic account- ing journals while also including the most highly ranked journals in these areas. We have limited the number of journals to 13 because to go significantly beyond this number quickly makes the graph difficult to read. The full graphs for each of the samples are provided in Appendix C. Figure 1. Comparison of accounting journals by survey. 1EAR [European Accounting Review] appears only once in the diagram as part of the British survey. When the Australasian survey was undertaken EAR had a relatively low profile in Australia and New Zealand which meant that it did not meet the criteria for inclusion. The survey included those accounting journals most highly held in university libraries (Locke and Lowe, 2002). EAR was ranked at 23 in the British survey (Lowe and Locke, 2006; see Table A3 for a complete ranking of journals in both surveys). 168 J. Locke & A. Lowe Three variables are depicted for each circle on the graph [consequently six variables for each of the journals]; the vertical position indicates relative quality; the horizontal position indicates the aggregated perception of the jour- nals’ publication of material from an interpretive vs. functionalist paradigm and the size of each circle records the number of academics scoring each journal. This latter statistic is a measure of the ‘popularity’ of the journal. The shaded circles that show the British survey results are relatively smaller because individual British academics scored only about half the number of jour-nals that their counterparts in Australasia scored. Figure 1 exhibits some interesting features. AOS appears toward the critical/ interpretive end of the horizontal continuum but noticeably, above any of the other journals in both our surveys. In the British survey it is very closely followed by TAR. It is striking how close the remaining nine journals are on quality, the vertical plane. There are also other interesting differences, such as the consider- able overlap that appears to exist in relation to TAR and JAR and JAE. These very close relationships have been the subject of a considerable amount of research by other writers8 (Williams, 1985; Lee, 1995, 1997; Williams and Rogers, 1995; Lee andWilliams, 1999; Williams et al., 2006) often using citation or other data analysis, as opposed to perception-based studies. . . . [the] citation behavior of the [elite] . . . people identified . . . indicates that there are really only two top accounting journals – AOS and a single journal of which JAR, TAR and JAE comprise the 10 or so annual issues. (Williams et al., 2006, p. 807) Our findings as depicted in the diagram lend some support to the conclusions of these other researchers of the closely overlapping nature of the material published in these journals. We would agree with Williams et al. that such a lack of alterna- tive perspectives in the US literature is of serious concern. The other interesting feature is the equivalence, in terms of quality, of this ‘elite’ group of US journals with a broadly international/European/UK grouping which includes AAAJ, CPA, MAR and ABR. MAR and ABR seem to be seen as quite centrally located in terms of paradigm mix. This indicates that our respon- dents, across both geographical jurisdictions, perceived these journals to publish material from both of the broad paradigm perspectives identified in the survey. These ‘non-US’ journals and CPA are all distinctly located toward the critical/ interpretive end of the paradigm continuum compared to the ‘elite’ US journals which are overwhelmingly perceived as limited to a positive/functionalist methodological stance. We note that some journals are likely to have been selected by more partici- pants because of a regional familiarity effect (e.g. JBFA in the British, AAAJ in the Australasian) but these effects do not appear strong. Both sets of respon- dents have scored many of the same international journals at an equivalent Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 169 level in terms of quality. Some authors (Lukka and Kasanen, 1996; Brinn et al., 2001; see also Ballas and Theoharakis, 2003) have noted a strong regional effect on publishing and patterns of authorship. These authors note a tendency for the localisation of research and the close relation of author and publication outlet by geographic location of author (Lukka and Kasanen, 1996; Brinn et al., 2001). But as indicated earlier, the results from both our surveys of Australasian and British respondents are often very similar in terms both of quality and meth- odological positioning (for further discussion, see Lowe and Locke, 2006). Nevertheless, strong local influences on the orientation of academics toward the academic journals might be expected to result in differential perceptions of journals across more heterogeneous geographic regions. The open question is whether or not the emergence of a number of journals that publish critical/inter- pretative material into a more highly ranked position in the surveys is the result of a purely regional effect or if it is the outcome of the ‘unsettling’ provided by introducing paradigm as an element in the study. We believe that introducing the paradigm perspective does provide survey respondents with an opportunity to bring methodological arguments more to the fore in their assessments of journal quality. Finally of note in relation to Figure 1 is the very similar placing of the journals we surveyed according to paradigm across the two surveys. Remarkable consist- ency is shown by respondents from both jurisdictions as to the assessment of the type of material typically published in each of the journals we surveyed. The graph would suggest that the degree of agreement on paradigm is rather higher than on quality. The placing by paradigm is based on the aggregation of opinions as to the nature of material published by each journal. So the position of each journal on the horizontal axis indicates the balance between respondents classi- fying the journal as publishing interpretive/critical, positive/functionalist material or both. The paradigm axis represents a continuum of possible placings on which we record the position of the journal as the relative balance of respon- dents’ characterisation of the journal’s content in terms of the two paradigms. In contrast, the quality score is based on the mean score allocated by respondents from each jurisdiction. We were surprised to find the agreement on journals’ paradigm across the different survey samples. It might be reasonable to expect a closer agreement on quality given the preoccupation in the academic literature and research assessment exercises which tend to focus on journal quality but not method or methodology. This emphasis on quality and ranking could be expected to produce relatively standardised views of journal quality across the academy (Williams and Rodgers, 1995), however, our study is the first to specifically ask for a paradigm classification. 5.2. Demographic Factors We considered a number of factors which may have influenced the results of our surveys, including demographic and structural differences affecting accounting 170 J. Locke & A. Lowe faculty in Australasia and Britain. In Britain it is still common to find finance academics within accounting units. This is rarely the case now in Australasia where finance is more often a separate unit. In the British survey it was found that finance and capital markets academics as a group tended to significantly favour the more highly functionalist journals, notably JBFA, JAE and JAR. Brief details of the respondents to the surveys are provided in Appendix A. The data include academic position, research area and number of years’ experience in publishing as reported by participants in each geographical location. The data indicate that respondents came from across the range of academic positions, but the sample is dominated by those at senior levels. In the Australasian survey, for example, senior lecturer level and above make up 55% of the respon- dents (67% in the British survey), at professorial level the proportion of the sample is 19% (25% in the British survey). Comparison to the populations9 indi- cates that senior staff are somewhat more highly represented among our respon- dents. In the Australasian case respondents at the senior level (senior lecturer and above) account for approximately 55% of the sample as against 44% of the popu- lation. The samples were also examined to establish the extent to which research background of the respondents was representative of the population. Both survey samples were found to be broadly representative of the populations in each jur- isdiction. In the Australasian instance, in the 10 specific research areas identified in the sample were within 2% on each category compared to the population. This includes management accounting which approximately 25% of the sample reported as their area of research interest. Management accounting was reported in published sources as 24% of the population. We further investigated the effects within our survey sample of these differ- ences in demographics. A number of tests were run among the different sub- populations of respondents to establish any significant effects. Most of these tests did not indicate statistically significant differences within the sample. We will discuss the differences that were revealed by statisticaltest in the remainder of the section. Mann–Whitney statistics indicate a small number of instances where differences in seniority produce a significantly different quality score. In the Australasian survey junior academic staff score one outlet, the Accounting Historians’ Journal, more highly than their senior colleagues at a 10% level of significance. Senior Australasian academics give three journals a statistically higher average score: JAR at the 10% significance level; JAE at 5% and ABR at the 1% level. Overall senior academics score journals more highly than their junior colleagues, but not at a statistically significant level. Another key characteristic of our respondents that may have influenced their scoring on journals is their area of research interest. The tables showing research background (see Table A2) indicate that in the Australasian survey the largest research area represented among our respondents was management accounting (25%) followed by accounting theory/financial reporting (13.5%) and ‘other’ (13.5%). Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 171 The influence of research background on quality scores was tested for statisti- cal significance using Mann–Whitney as indicated above. Our tests revealed some differences in scoring at the individual level associated with research back- ground, but there seemed to be no consistent pattern across the journals included in the sample. A number of tests were carried out using different groupings of research area. The only statistically significant differences appeared when researchers who indicated a management accounting background were compared to the rest of the sample. Mann–Whitney tests indicated statistically significant differences on three journals, two at the 5% and one at the 10% level. Of the two journals which show differences at the 5% level: FAM is scored more highly by those from management accounting while the Accounting Research Journal is scored higher among researchers with other than a management accounting background. There was no clear bias among management accounting researchers toward journals that might be seen as offering outlets for their research, such as MAR or JMAR, or away from journals which tend to publish management accounting material less frequently. We now turn to the results of the British survey in relation to research back- ground. Figure 2 depicts a sample of journal results for the British survey (Lowe and Locke, 2005). The diagram highlights some of the more significant differences revealed in the data between the journal quality perceptions of two groupings consisting of different research backgrounds. Figure 2 seems to show little difference in quality score for the functionalist journals to the right of the diagram. Reading the diagram, ‘literally’ as it were, the most striking dis- tinction shown by the finance and capital markets academics is to regard rather poorly the more interpretive/critical journals, AAAJ, AOS, CPA. Surprisingly, Figure 2. Differences in scoring by research area in the British survey. Source: Lowe and Locke (2005, p. 93). # Elsevier, reproduced by kind permission. 172 J. Locke & A. Lowe ABR is also scored low by this group compared to their accounting colleagues. The overall scoring of all journals by finance and capital markets academics is lower than their accounting counterparts. As a consequence they are effectively scoring much higher than average the two functionalist journals shown at the right of the diagram, TAR and JAE. This group of researchers score these two journals, in which it has recently been reported British-based researchers almost never publish (Brinn et al., 2001; Beattie and Goodacre, 2004), very highly. At the same time they seem to score as very low quality a number of journals which they consider publish material influenced by more interpretive/ critical philosophies. 5.3. Implications for the Context of Knowledge Production The differences reported above indicate the complex nature of the accounting academy. It consists of groups of individuals with very different research inter- ests who are located in many diverse and distant institutional locations. These are features which along with other variables are likely to affect their percep- tions of journal quality. Belonging to any specific institution, is likely to impact on where an individual is expected to publish in order to maintain status and gain promotion or tenure. These effects are likely to be magnified in an elite institution, or one which is vying to join an elite group of insti- tutions (Lee, 2004; Williams et al., 2006; see also Clark and Wright, 2007; Macdonald and Kam, 2007). In a similar manner, research interests and perhaps editorial board membership are likely to impact systematically on attitudes about journal quality. It should be clear that there are many features that could be used to identify groupings within the accounting academy. In this paper we are only able to address a limited number of these. So we have con- centrated on the areas that can be most reliably identified using survey approaches. Our survey evidence has shown a very high degree of consensus among the respondents in and across both jurisdictions surveyed. Though we have reported some differences by seniority and research background above, these are far from systematic. We noted the correspondence, in terms of perceptions of paradigm mix of material published by the leading journals, across the jur- isdictions. The survey shows significant agreement among respondents as to the philosophical nature of the journal outlets, while also indicating a broad accep- tance of material motivated from different research traditions. Many journals are regarded as publishing a mix of material influenced by the two broad para- digm groupings and many of these journals are considered to be of high quality. A smaller number of journals are seen as publishing predominantly interpretive and critical work but again some of these journals are highly scored for quality. This lack of differences within the sample populations as to the ranking of the journals indicates that the academics within each of the jurisdictions Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 173 broadly agree on the quality of the journals surveyed. This further supports our argument that there is broad agreement across academics of differing research background, teaching area and seniority as to the quality of publication outlets and supports our contention that interpretive and critical work is valued by the academy. Our evidence is of a broad international acceptance of the multi- paradigm nature of the academy and the value placed by the academy as a body on the contribution to knowledge of such disparate research methodologies. In the next section we will reflect on some of the areas that lay beyond the reach of our research approach. This includes identifying localised situations that cannot so easily be investigated using a survey research design. In doing this we will try to indicate how our broader setting can be used as a background to establish what we cannot say, from our research, but what other research has and may be able to further examine. 6. Localised Perspectives on Domination of the Academy A consequence of survey research of academic perceptions is that it can only shed light on aggregate aspects of the environment. Such approaches are not useful for interrogating individual and institutional experience. Other research has exam- ined some elements of the impact of groups of individuals and institutions on a localised academic environment. Williams et al. (2006) analyse some of the pro- cesses of social construction that can be traced through citation and other docu- mentary analysis in the US accounting academy. Effectively these researchers examine the role of an elite which they claim operatesto maintain its own pos- ition while excluding others from positions of power and influence in the US aca- demic hierarchy. This is an example of what we would identify as a research approach suited to a localised study – both geographically and paradigmatically (see also Smolin, 2006). Williams et al.’s research (2006) is based primarily on a citation-based study covering three decades. They provide a disturbing and depressing conclusion about the state of the accounting academy in the USA and the demise of what they describe as the only significant alternative theoretical voice within it. They describe the results of their research as showing that the ‘decibel levels of even the limited alternative voices in the US that existed are being “turned down” by the increasingly louder monologue of orthodox economics’ (ibid., p. 814). They refer to ‘the winnowing away of behavioral accounting research in the US’ (p. 783). Their message could hardly be more bleak (see also Lee, 2004). They base their conclusion about the unjustified narrowing of what counts as knowledge in the US academy on data from the ‘top’ international jour- nals. Though it is possible to raise concerns about the definition of these ‘top’ journals – it is less easy to dispel the concern that they may also set the agenda for the wider international accounting academy. They analyse publi- cations from the four ‘top’ accounting journals, three of which are North American. 174 J. Locke & A. Lowe Williams et al. support their choice of the ‘top’ four journals by reference to a number of journal ranking studies which have appeared in the accounting litera- ture over a long period (see also Brown, 1996; Lowe and Locke, 2005; Beattie and Goodacre, 2006; Bonner et al., 2006). These studies all support the selection used by Williams et al. and in addition a number of other studies published in the management literature since the advent of research assessment10 (Geary et al., 2004; Mingers and Harzing, 2006). The conclusion drawn by Williams et al. (2006) that the conversation that con- stitutes and circumscribes the development of academic accounting is limited to publications in the top four journals is well constructed. The ultimate test of any paradigm or research program is the extent to which it defines the field [and] . . . establishes the research agenda . . . The viability of [the research program] . . . depends on the power its prac- titioners have to set the agenda, determine the content of accounting knowl- edge, define the terms of success in the field, and control access to the elite status required to do so. (ibid., p. 784) Williams et al. provide strong citation-based evidence to support their conclusion that an economics/finance-inspired group within the US academy has been able to achieve the hegemony they describe in the quote (see also Dillard, in press). So the conclusion is a serious one which may further provoke dismay among accounting faculty who do not adopt research methodology approved of by the mainstream holders of power in the academy. Much has been made of the approaches that have been developed in the ‘alternative’ accounting literature in journals such as Critical Perspectives on Accounting. CPA and other highly ranked journals including AOS have consist- ently and over a long period of time, provided an outlet for views counter to the US ‘elite’. Williams et al. claim that this activity is all for nought since neither these scholars let alone the behavioural researchers seem to have any likelihood of affecting the direction of accounting research. On the other hand is this claim not without flaw? Can it really be said that the top journals and self-acclaimed top scholars really are engaged in setting the agenda? Is there no hope that we can expect to see any change in the power relations within the accounting academy (see Dillard, in press)? Are the elite of the US accounting academy not perhaps just taking part in a closed and theor- etically stale conversation (Reiter and Williams, 2002), which will eventually be supplanted as it fails to make plausible additions to knowledge? Part of our objec- tive in the research we report in this paper is to problematise this monochrome view of what is to count as accounting research by providing alternative argu- ments based on the empirics from our perception surveys. We argued earlier that there is remarkable consistency in the perception across our international samples that a significant number of journals are publishing high quality Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 175 interpretive/critical research. We argue that this provides an escape route from the localised control of US-based elites. It may involve leaving an institution, moving country or in the longer term, using such journal rankings to change the attitude of institutions. However, there is a body of acceptance to which other- wise isolated interpretive researchers may turn. Our research provides hope that the closed shop perpetuated by the elite journals and the elite scholars is losing its ability to determine the agenda for academic accounting research (see also Dillard, in press). There is further evidence that the elite of the US accounting academy is not engaged in an international conversation. Beattie and Goodacre (2006) note that in the UK a significant proportion of journals ranking highly in perception studies were either, very significantly underrepresented in RAE 2001 or not represented at all: The perception studies ranked between 30 and 44 journals, of which approximately half had less than five submissions to RAE 2001 so are excluded from the analysis (and rankings) in the present paper. (Beattie and Goodacre, 2006, p. 85) The journals omitted on the basis of five or fewer RAE submissions include: The Accounting Review; Contemporary Accounting Research and Journal of Accounting and Economics. The Accounting Review received no submissions in RAE 2001. Journal of Accounting Research was the only ‘elite’ North American accounting journal to record five submissions in the 2001 RAE. The majority of the other journals that Beattie and Goodacre’s analysis excludes are North American based. To put this into perspective Beattie and Goodacre report 1,577 journal papers were submitted to RAE 2001 by accounting and finance research staff. Of these 1,577 submissions JBFA accounted for 122 fol- lowed by ABR and AAAJ with 64 and 58, respectively. While a number of ‘elite’ accounting journals are excluded on the basis of insufficient submissions, a number of highly ranked organisation theory and organisation behaviour journals are represented in Beattie and Goodacre’s RAE 2001 rankings. These include British Journal of Management, Organiz- ation, Organization Studies and Human Relations. Moreover, while the elite North American accounting journals hardly figure in UK publishing figures over the 1996/2001 RAE period, North American organisation theory journals do. The American Academy of Management Journal records as many RAE sub- missions as the three elite US accounting journals combined over the five-year period. It is clear from this discussion that UK accounting academics do not contribute to the academic conversation in the ‘elite’ North American accounting journals. Is this a matter of choice or is it a matter of exclusion? Does it matter? The lack of UK-based academics publishing in these journals does not mean that they lack outlets for their work or that they are not part of constructive conversations. 176 J. Locke & A. Lowe On the other hand, we accept that it might not be appropriate to conclude that all is well in the accounting academy. We will address a key aspect of why it might be appropriate to worry about the construction of a right-wing elite, even if limited to the USA, in relation to concerns over accounting practice and policy setting in the nextsection. We will also examine briefly a limited number of local examples of the concern of accounting academics to make an impact. 7. Links to Policy and Practice Another way to frame concerns over the role of the academy is to examine its broad impact on policy setting11 and practice. These are legitimate areas which individual academics and the institutions of the academy might wish to affect. Such effects are hard to discern in practical terms and hard to produce definitive research evidence on. A number of questions could be posed. In any consider- ation of these issues the extent to which there is evidence of the capture and control of the academic accounting agenda, even if short-term or localised, becomes significant. What effect do the ideas developed in academe have on practice? To what extent do accounting academics want to impact the world of professional accounting and policy determination? It is clear that some academics do wish to be involved in this area, whether they hold to functionalist or broadly interpre- tivist views (Zimmerman, 2001; Lukka and Mouritsen, 2002; see also Critical Perspectives on Accounting special issue, in press). In the ‘polyphonic debate’ in the special issue of Critical Perspectives on Accounting there is a degree of concern expressed over ‘making a difference’ (Ahrens et al., in press; Willmott, in press). These writers broadly worry about the lack of impact of Interpretive Accounting Research (IAR). Other contributors to the debate take a different view expressing concerns over the dangers of moving toward more functionalist research in order to achieve this perhaps elusive and mythical effect on practice (Armstrong, in press; Baxter et al., in press). Baxter et al. write of . . . the ‘threat’ to IAR may come not from the North American mainstream but from a desire within IAR to build legitimacy by seeking engagement with practice that is both more ‘applied’ and ‘functional’ . . . undermining the intellectual autonomy of IAR. (ibid., p. 7) These authors go on to suggest that a concern with ‘making a difference’ might in itself be illusory and is evidence of a preoccupation that should be peripheral rather than central to the aims of IAR: We may find that many of our current concerns with the disinterest of main- stream accounting and practitioners preoccupy us just that little less in a Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 177 more expansive domain that challenges our self-erected limitations . . . this ability to function as a loosely organized assembly of IAR will occur only when we can acknowledge that our self/social identity has emerged from ‘small’ achievements. (ibid., p. 7) Another example of the debates about different knowledges within the account- ing academy can be observed in the exchanges that took place involving a number of senior European and US academics (Hopwood, 2002; Ittner and Larcker, 2002; Luft and Shields, 2002; Lukka and Mouritsen, 2002) and Jerold Zimmerman (2001). This exchange drew attention to a very clear difference of opinion about what constituted research and how knowledge might be advanced in empirical management accounting research. Zimmerman’s critique attracted a number of pointed responses: It is unfortunate that Zimmerman does not have a greater familiarity with the extensive and diverse body of literature capable of being reviewed by Ittner and Larcker. But he does not. (Hopwood, 2002, p. 778) Zimmerman’s discussion of research emphases on control or decision- making forms of explanation is far too simplistic. (Hopwood, 2002, p. 783) Although Zimmerman argues that the practice-oriented nature of much managerial accounting research has led researchers to focus on describing (consulting) practice rather than developing and testing theories, this characterization is simply inconsistent with the mass of managerial accounting studies published in academic journals. (Ittner and Larcker, 2002, p. 788) Much has been written about the impact of right-wing economists, notably Friedman (Krugman, 2007), on economic theory and economic policy in various countries. It is widely accepted that Friedman’s views and the views of other free market supporters have not only influenced economic theory and prac- tice very significantly but have also played a role in the reorientation of the accounting academy. As Williams et al. (2006) demonstrate two of the four top journals are closely associated with the pre-eminently free market universities associated with Friedman and his supporters – Chicago and Rochester. Chicago is the editorial home to the Journal of Accounting Research and Rochester, the Journal of Accounting and Economics. Attitudes to the role of the academy and of research clearly play an important part in the concerns expressed above and in the worries academicians have about 178 J. Locke & A. Lowe the conversations in which they engage. These concerns affect our attitudes to the construction of an elite and the importance of being able to ‘make a difference’ (Clarke et al., 1999; Merino et al., 2007; Dillard, in press). Merino et al. argue that ‘accounting academics could have an important role in reshaping public opinion’ (p. 21) and they continue to express their concerns about the power of neoliberals who use: . . . rhetoric to frame issues to defuse criticism [of the status quo] . . . they have think tanks and have developed a media infrastructure to propagate the free market ‘faith.’ They also have an impact on higher education, through endowed chairs . . . (Merino et al., 2007, p. 21) The above discussions while being focused on ‘local’ concerns about ‘making a difference’ are also a manifest example of the paradigm diversity that we have argued is supported by our research on academic accounting journals. The claims for the relevance of accounting research and the debates we report in this section reflect the arguments we have made about the acceptance by the broad academy of the place of and need for diverse conversations in order to reflect and add to accounting knowledge. The desire of academicians to affect policy or influence business or the pro- fession – in the widest sense can be seen to ‘play out’ in the decision choices that individual academics make about the nature of the research they do and the publication outlets they choose to make submissions to. For some academics there is much more involved here than can be accounted for in terms of journal quality and the search for elite journal publications or the accumulation of cultural capital (Everett et al., 2003; see also Baxter et al., in press). 8. Concluding Comments This paper contributes an alternative understanding of the quality of academic accounting journals. In this way the construction of accounting as a single para- digm field and the related domination of the ‘elite’ in constructions of journal quality may be challenged. We believe that the results of our perception surveys support a view of the accounting literature as a disjoint collection of accounting journals, many of which are clearly perceived to be open to the publication of material motivated from diverse research approaches and methodologies. We would argue that accounting academicians in the jurisdictions we have surveyed show, in the aggregate, a significant degree of respect for the quality of journals publishing research from across a broad spectrum of social science methodologies. Only in the British sample did we find strong evidence of a significant bias/preference among an identifiable research group toward journals of a definably functionalist Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 179 orientation and against journals publishing material from a broader range of philosophical perspectives, including critical and interpretive. Even in this case it could be argued that these differences are unsurprising given the strikinglydifferent traditions in respect of what constitutes knowledge and legitimate research in finance vs. that in accounting more generally. We would argue that such differences could be said to reflect differences in intellectual tradition and training rather than an outright bias against particular journals. It is interesting to note that in our Australasian survey it was not possible to discern such an identifiable academic grouping with a strong functionalist ‘bias’. This is likely to reflect the institutional arrangements among British and Australasian business schools. It is not common to find finance academics within accounting units in Australasian universities where the accepted arrange- ment is for finance to be a separate academic unit or in some instances to combine it, perhaps with economics. The result of this is that while capital markets researchers may be found in accounting units in both jurisdictions it is much more common to find finance researchers in British accounting and finance departments. In one respect then this difference between the results we obtain for Britain as compared to Australasia is an artefact of our surveys. Alternatively it does reflect the institutional arrangements in the three countries surveyed. These differences in academic constituencies are likely to have an impact on the development of the academy in the different jurisdictions (see also Everett et al., 2003; Williams et al., 2006). Notably one would expect the role of finance-inspired research to have an increasing influence on British accounting research relative to that in Australasia. In practice this would be very hard to demonstrate. Our suggestion is based simply on the likelihood of a greater degree of contact among finance and accounting academics where they are treated as part of the same academic unit for teaching and administrative pur- poses and/or are physically located together. In theAustralasian survey academics with their reported research interest inman- agement accounting do exhibit some statistically significant differences in quality perceptions but they do not seem to fit what might be described as a self-interested, methodological or subject bias. This would lead us to conclude that the academy itself in these jurisdictions displays a balanced acceptance of multiple paradigms and that the body of academics in our samples show a willingness to recognise and perhaps engage in multiple and diverse academic conversations (Reiter and Williams, 2002; Lee, 2004). In this sense we believe that there is evidence of diver- sity in the academy and of good quality outlets which publish material from differ- ent methodological perspectives, though this does not address directly the argument that a small US elite sets the agenda and correspondingly influences policy (Williams et al., 2006; Merino et al., 2007; Dillard, in press). ‘Localised’ concerns remain of importance. The diversity and the acceptance of multiple paradigms by the academy which we suggest above do not eliminate problems in localised settings. We have drawn on the considerable research 180 J. Locke & A. Lowe focusing on the USA (e.g. Lee, 1997, 2004; Reiter and Williams, 2002; Williams et al., 2006). However, our research suggests that there is significant diversity that may harbour ‘elites’ within different geographical and paradigmatic settings. Further research into the effect on the academy of other such localised ‘elites’ is necessary to bring them to light and increase awareness of issues beyond the USA. While we interpret our respondents as identifying the leading journals as pro- viding a broad range of potential publication outlets that we believe reflects well on the constitution of the academy it does not dispel concerns about a lack of voice in influencing both the so-called elite accounting establishment and accounting policy makers (Lee, 2004; Merino et al., 2007; see also Dillard, in press). This is a much more difficult problem to resolve, even if we can agree that this is what we want to do. While there is evidence among some members of the accounting academy of dissatisfaction with the nature of elite research there is a diversity of view here also about how this should be approached. While some researchers have called for a radically different accounting and different approaches to accounting research (Gaffikin, 1987; Arrington and Schweiker, 1992; Tinker and Puxty, 1995; Armstrong, in press) over a long period of time this does not suit all those academics who consider themselves to be following alternative research perspectives. We agree with Reiter and Williams (2002) who describe a stale and closed conversation taking place among the ‘elite’ US scholars in ‘elite’ US journals, but we think there are grounds to be optimistic. If no-one is listening to the conversation this ‘elite’ is fabricating then why do we need to be so anxious about it (Baxter et al., in press)? Surely it is not reasonable or sensible to conclude that the conversation is unhelpful and informing so few but then to agonise over it. Where is the power of the ‘elite’ if we don’t choose to succumb to it? On the other hand, there is worrying evidence of a further commodification of the major international accounting journals as they move to gain entry into commercial citation systems.12 In contrast to Williams et al.’s rather bleak conclusion (2006) about the squeezing out from the academy of alternative perspectives we provide evidence that indicates divergent views are accommodated within the academy. Though the AAA-based elite may be promoting itself it may also be talking to itself – a closed conversation which is hardly an appropriate way to direct the research effort internationally or even perhaps in the USA. Multiple conversations are an appropriate fit in circumstances where the accounting discipline is shown to be multi-paradigmatic. Nevertheless, we would not suggest too much optimism. The conclusions that Williams et al. (2006) reach are pertinent. If we do not ensure a place for alternative views in high quality outlets then it is possible that the multi-vocal conversations we value may disappear. Such a result is evi- denced by Williams et al. who report that behavioural accounting research has been squeezed out of the elite US journals. In the light of our results, their pessi- mism is overdone but we should not be complacent. Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 181 Acknowledgements The authorswish to thank the participants at the 2006BritishAccountingAssociation Conference. Special thanks are also due to the two anonymous reviewers for the care they took in the review of the paper and the contribution their comments made to the rewriting of the paper. Any remaining errors are the responsibility of the authors. Appendix A: Demographic Information Table A1. Seniority of respondents Job title Number in sample % of respondents Australasian survey Professor 37 19 Associate Professor 18 9 Senior Lecturer 52 27 Lecturer 59 31 Assistant Lecturer 12 6 Senior Tutor 7 4 Tutor 8 4 Total 193 British survey Professor/Dept Chair 37 25 Reader/Fellow 12 8 Senior/Principal Lecturer 51 34 Lecturer 49 33 Total 149 182 J. Locke & A. Lowe Table A2. Research area and average years of publishing Research area Number of respondents % of respondents Average years publishing Australasian survey Accounting and capital markets 13 7 9 Accounting and info systems 9 5 2 Accounting history 6 3 9 Accounting theory/fin reporting 26 13 11 Auditing 17 9 11 Finance/economics and related 22 11 11 International accounting 10 5 11 Management accounting 48 25 10 Public/non-profit accounting 10 5 11 Taxation 5 3 2 Other 26 13 7 Do not do research 1 1 0 Total 193 100.0 British survey Accounting and capital markets 12 8 9 Accounting and info systems 1 1 10 Accounting history 4 3 17 Accounting theory/fin reporting 10 7 9 Auditing 16 11 6Finance/economics and related 33 22 10 International accounting 3 2 7 Management accounting 20 13 11 Public/non-profit accounting 10 7 9 Taxation 4 3 8 Othera 16 11 11 CSR, sustainability and ethics 9 6 11 Accounting education 7 5 6 Corporate governance 4 3 11 Total 149 100.0 aIn the British survey we extended our response categories based on prior experience in the Australasian survey. We introduced more categories. Those created by respondents are shown in the last three rows of the table. Respondents were asked to provide an estimate of the number of years they had been publishing. The average shown is across all respondents in each category. Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 183 Table A3. Journal mean scores and rankinga Australasian British Journal Average of score No. of respondents scoring Rank Average of score No. of respondents scoring Rank Abacus 2.67 97 9 2.93 57 19 ABR 2.97 81 13 2.36 76 7 A & F 3.15 102 16 3.21 26 26 ABFH 2.77 23 16¼ AEd 3.28 36 28 A/C Forum 3.89 84 30 3.50 24 30 A Horizons 3.16 92 17 2.99 53 21 ARJ 3.78 77 28 AAAJ 2.62 92 7 2.52 66 9 AOS 2.01 103 1 1.74 75 1 A:JPT 3.09 49 15 2.32 19 6 AAR 3.56 81 27 ATF 3.50 12 26 ATR 3.33 14 24 BRA 2.77 11 16¼ CAR 2.42 68 2¼ 2.09 27 5 CPA 2.58 91 6 2.65 66 13¼ FAM 3.19 47 18¼ 2.97 36 20 IAE 3.29 75 23 3.24 27 27 JAE 2.70 87 10 2.00 41 4 JAPP 2.86 55 12 2.65 32 13¼ JofAEd 3.36 59 25 3.18 24 25 JAlit 3.19 56 18¼ 2.70 26 15 JAR 2.57 85 5 1.96 49 3 JAAF 3.23 52 21 3.08 18 22 JBFA 2.78 62 11 2.47 64 8 JIFMA 2.80 8 18 JMAR 2.63 54 8 2.54 35 10 MAR 2.47 53 4 2.57 44 11¼ PAR 3.81 78 29 RAS 2.57 12 11¼ A/C History 3.28 44 22 TAR 2.42 93 2¼ 1.77 56 2 BAR 3.01 87 14 3.13 83 24 EAR 3.12 65 23 IJA 3.19 42 18¼ 3.28 27 29 Note: The blank spaces in the table arise because the journals differed between the two surveys. The data used in our analysis relates to the 30 most often scored journals in each jurisdiction. The average is calculated for all respondents scoring the journal. aSee Table B1 for journal title abbreviations. 184 J. Locke & A. Lowe Appendix B: Key to Journal Titles Table B1. Key to journal titles Journal Abacus Abacus Accounting and Business Research ABR Accounting and Finance A & F Accounting and the Public Interest API Accounting Horizons A Horizons Accounting, Auditing and Accountability Journal AAAJ Accounting, Organizations and Society AOS Advances in Accounting Adv in A/C Auditing: A Journal of Practice and Theory A:JPT Behavioral Research in Accounting BRA Contemporary Accounting Research CAR Critical Perspectives on Accounting CPA European Accounting Review EAR Issues in Accounting Education IAE Journal of Accounting and Economics JAE Journal of Accounting and Public Policy JAPP Journal of Accounting Education JofAEd Journal of Accounting Literature JAlit Journal of Accounting Research JAR Journal of Accounting, Auditing and Finance JAAF Journal of Business Finance and Accounting JBFA Journal of Management Accounting Research JMAR Journal of Taxation JofT Journal of the American Taxation Association JATA Management Accounting Research MAR National Tax Journal NTJ Review of Accounting Studies RAS The Accounting Historians’ Journal A/C History The Accounting Review TAR The British Accounting Review BAR The International Journal of Accounting IJA Multiple Paradigms in Accounting Knowledge Production 185 Appendix C Figure C2. Bubble graph of the British survey. Source: Lowe and Locke (2005, p. 88). # Elsevier, reproduced by kind permission. Figure C1. Bubble graph of the Australasian survey. 186 J. Locke & A. Lowe Notes 1The term ‘paradigm’ is problematic, having been given different meanings in different contexts (Christenson, 1983; Chua, 1986; Gaffikin, 1988). We use it here and in our surveys on the basis that it has achieved wide currency in accounting academe. We have also simplified the descrip- tion of the possible range of paradigmatic approaches to only distinguish between the interpre- tive/critical and the functionalist/positivist methodologies. We are aware that this does not represent the rich array of approaches being applied in the accounting literature, however, the restrictions of the practical application of the survey method meant that more than two cat- egories would have made it too complex for participants to complete. 2Latour (2005) seeks to distance himself from social construction. He suggests rather incongru- ously while citing Hacking (1999) that social construction has been subverted and misunder- stood so badly that the term cannot be recovered. Instead, he argues that it is better to talk about construction. In this paper we will continue to use the term social construction since this carries our meaning in a more generally accepted sense in the accounting literature than does construction or constructivist. 3The Australasian survey was initially mailed out by the Accounting Association of Australia and New Zealand (AAANZ, since renamed AFAANZ), but the response was very low. A direct mail-out based on the Wiley Directory 2001–2002 augmented with some additional email addresses obtained from conference lists was then used. All institutions included in the Wiley directory were included in the mail-out. In the case of New Zealand this means polytech- nics were also part of the population. Of the emails sent, 79%were to Australians and 21%were to New Zealanders (based on the suffix of the email address). 4Only one participant in the survey returned a ‘don’t know’ response, providing some support for the contention that the two paradigm groupings are broadly understood (although not providing evidence that they are construed in the same way). 5Where ‘both’ was selected the journal was returned in both categories. 6One represented the highest quality and 7 the lowest. A 7-point scale was considered preferable to a 5-point scale as it provides more scope for scoring differentially across the number of jour- nals listed. A scoring approach was selected in preference to other alternatives such as requiring a rank ordering or the use of a benchmark style of relative ranking (Hull and Wright, 1990; Brinn et al., 1996). The key advantage in using a scoring approach is to enable respondents to score journals which they perceive as having equivalent quality equally. 7We surveyed at least 30 journals in each jurisdiction. Twenty-five journals, a significant majority, were common to both surveys. The remaining journals were different across the surveys reflecting regional differences in publication outlet preferences. 8In fact there is much more than just overlapping in what Williams, Lee and others have to say about the structure of these interrelationships. 9We compared the respondent sample to the populations in each jurisdiction. In the British case we used the British Accounting Review Research Register. In Australia we used the Wiley Directory (2001–2002). In the Australasian instance data on the academic population could be established with a good degree of accuracy from the published sources. For the British survey it was possible to establish seniority statistics for the population with good accuracy. It was much more difficult to establish research background of population. In the latter case this is because the BAR Research Register allows respondents to indicate their research inter- ests to a considerable level of detail. So that although the categories we offered our respondents were closely aligned to that provided by the Register (2002, p. iii) the detailed descriptions in the Register itself were often quite difficult to identify with these broader descriptions. 10RAE in UK, PBRF in NZ, etc. 11We would like to thank one of the anonymous reviewers for suggesting the need to consider the significance of this topic. 12Statements made by panel members at the EAA Editors Symposium, 26 April 2007. Two editors of highly ranked international journals indicated that they had recently achieved admission to Multiple