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Étienne Nau, Breslau 114 and the Early 17th-Century Solo Violin Fantasia 
Author(s): Brian Brooks 
Source: Early Music , Feb., 2004, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Feb., 2004), pp. 49-72 
Published by: Oxford University Press 
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3519424
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Early Music
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https://www.jstor.org/stable/3519424
 Brian Brooks
 Etienne Nau, Breslau 114
 and the early 17th-century solo violin fantasia
 N 1626 the French violinist Itienne Nau arrived in England to serve at the court of Charles I. On the
 face of it this was nothing unusual, for there were
 already several violinists from France at the English
 court. Nau, however, can have been no ordinary
 recruit to the king's household: from the first he
 commanded an unusually high salary, and was soon
 the principal violinist of the king's band.' Surviving
 consort music by Nau gives little evidence of a vio-
 linist or composer so exceptional as to deserve such
 treatment. Yet clearly he had quite a reputation
 before his arrival, and continued to live up to it at
 court. A single highly imaginative fantasia for violin
 alone by Nau dating from before his years in Eng-
 land shows its composer to have been an extremely
 accomplished violinist and gives some idea of how
 richly he deserved this reputation.
 Nau's fantasia is the most strikingly inventive of a
 large number of fantasias in a recently rediscovered
 manuscript source, Breslau Mus.Ms.114. Covering all
 the principal genres that appear to have been avail-
 able to the enterprising solo violinist of the early 17th
 century, and probably a faint notated trace of wide-
 spread improvisatory practices, the volume offers a
 far richer and more varied picture of professional
 violin playing than that suggested by the printed
 sources alone. Its contents, and Nau's fantasia in
 particular, add significantly to the evidence for a
 concern among violinists of the late 16th and early
 17th centuries with improvised invention and virtu-
 osity.2 This concern may even have matched, in its
 scope and ambition, that of lute and keyboard play-
 ers so much more fully documented in the many
 printed and manuscripts sources of florid fantasias,
 ricercars and tientos for their instruments.3
 Itienne Nau
 In 1613 Friedrich V, Elector Palatinate, returned
 home to Heidelberg from London with his new
 bride, Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of James I of Eng-
 land. Elizabeth must have brought to Heidelberg
 some of the customs and style of the court in which
 she grew up, where music and dancing were an inte-
 gral part of her life. Used to French dancing masters
 in England, she would surely have sought the ser-
 vices of such a teacher on her arrival at Heidelberg.4
 Perhaps this was etienne Nau, 'Stephan Nau der
 Princessin zu Heidelberg Danzmeister', as he is
 described in the inscription to his fantasia;5 if so, she
 made a fortunate choice, for Nau's piece shows its
 composer to have been an exceptionally accom-
 plished violinist. What better stepping-stone for
 forging connections with the English court, until the
 1640s one of the most secure and best rewarded
 places of employment for a violinist in all of Europe?
 In the event, Nau's acceptance of the position paid
 off royally in terms of career advancement.
 He is probably the 'Stephanus Nau, Gallus Aure-
 liensis, Musicus, 30' listed, presumably on receipt of
 an honorary degree, in the 'Album studiosorum der
 Leidsche hoogeschool' on 11 June 1627.6 That is, he
 was from Orleans, and aged 30 in 1627. He was there-
 fore born in 1596 or 1597, so that his Heidelberg ser-
 vice was probably at the court of Friedrich V, future
 short-lived King of Bohemia. He might also be the
 'Steph. Nau, Aurelian. Gall.' in the 1615 register of
 matriculating students at the University of Leipzig,
 and so perhaps either left Heidelberg in that year or
 did not arrive until some time later. Friedrich moved
 his court to Prague on his fateful acceptance of the
 Brian Brooks completed his PhD dissertation for Cornell University in 2002. His career as violinist
 includes a period with Musica Antiqua Kbln. He is currently on the teaching faculty ofMillfield School.
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 49
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 1 Matthaeus Merian's panorama of Breslau, 165o
 Bohemian crown in 1619, and there was hardly likely
 to have been any call for a dancing master at Heidel-
 berg after the start of the Thirty Years War that his
 coronation helped to provoke. Whenever he arrived,
 Nau had almost certainly left Heidelberg by 1619.
 The source of Nau's fantasia
 Nau's fantasia is one of a large number of such pieces
 for solo violin in one of a handful of instrumental
 sources from the collection once in the Breslau
 Stadtbibliothek, Breslau Mus.Ms.114. Since the
 Breslau library, on its foundation in 1865, brought
 together the music libraries of the three principal
 Protestant city churches, those of St Elisabeth, St
 Bernhardin and Maria Magdalena, it is likely that
 Ms.114 once formed part of one of those collections.7
 Especially rich in performance materials for sacred
 vocal music, the extensive Breslau collection's
 printed and manuscript volumes, mostly from the
 17th century, provide an insight, unmatched in the
 history of any other European city, into the musical
 life of 17th-century Breslau.8
 With dances, variations, a set of diminutions on a
 vocal polyphonic model, a single sonata and, most
 significantly, 46 florid pieces variously entitled fanta-
 sia, ricercar, or toccata, Breslau 114 appears to be a
 private anthology for a player of string instruments
 compiled from a variety of Italian prints and Italian
 or German manuscripts (see tables 1 and 2). Nearly
 all the pieces consist of a part for a single instrument
 only, mostly in the treble range, though at least two
 of these pieces are extracted from a fuller texture,
 and a few more show distinct signs that they are not
 self-sufficient. There can be little doubt that the tre-
 ble-range instrument in question is the violin, even
 though in many cases the range and the style of figu-
 ration are suitable for several different instruments.
 Many of the pieces involve figuration that is dis-
 tinctly violinistic, such as double stops tailor-made
 for a string instrument tuned in 5ths, rapid or con-
 tinual string crossings, and frequent large leaps, all of
 which would be difficult or impossible on other
 treble-range instruments. Some even have the word
 'violin' in the title, and two of the named com-
 posers-Nau himself and Nikolaus Bleyer-were
 violinists.9The great majority of the 54 treble-range
 pieces need all four strings if played on the violin,
 and 19 make use of the open G string, a useful
 marker in distinguishing violin from cornetto
 music, since the cornetto is not easily persuaded
 to produce this note clearly. Many of the pieces
 whose range does not extend so low, however, and
 50 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 Table 1 Contents of Breslau 114
 No. Folio Range Inscription Notes
 1 2r g-a" Fantasia
 2 2v a-g" Fantasia
 3 3r c'-g" Cimbel Von himmel hoch da komm
 4 3r d'-a" Vatter Vnser Im himmel reich Cimbel
 5 4r-v d'-g" Richardi Rognioni, Voce sola different hand (Daniel Sartorius of Breslau), Domine
 quando veneris, Rognoni (1592), part 1, p.41*"
 6 5v d'-a" Fantasia Breslau 114, no.1o
 7 6r c'-a" Fantasia
 8 6v d'-b" Toccata
 9 7v a-a" Fantasia in Violin Giovanni Bassano, Ricercatepassaggi et cadentie per
 potersi essercitar nel diminuir terminatamente con ogni
 sorte d'istrumento (Venice: Vincenti, 1585), ricercata
 ottava; Breslau 114 no.24
 10 8r d'-a" Fantasia Breslau 114, no.6
 11 8v c'--a" Fantasia GB-Ob Mus. Sch. MS.D.246, p.107
 12 9V g-b" Fantasia
 13 10v d'-a" Ricercar Breslau 115, f.26, 'Phantasia'
 14 ulr d'-a" Fantasia in Violin
 15 11v b-b" Toccata Von Herr Gartner organisten Breslau 115, f.27v, 'Toccata'
 und Violisten in Niirnberg bekomn
 16 12v g-a" Fantasia Auth: Deiffel
 17 13v a-a" Fantasia Bassano (1585), ricercata prima
 18 14r a-a" Ricercata Seconda Bassano (1585), ricercata seconda
 19 14v g-f" Ricercata Ter Bassano (1585), ricercata terza
 20 15r g-f" Ricercata Quarta Bassano (1585), ricercata quarta
 21 15v g-a" Ricercata Quinta <at end> clavis [illegible] Bassano (1585), ricercata quinta
 versetzt sei in noten [illegible] NB.
 22 16r a-a" Ricercata Sexta Bassano (1585), ricercata sesta
 23 16v a-g" Ricercata Septima Bassano (1585), ricercata settima
 24 17r a-a" Ricercata Octava Bassano (1585), ricercata ottava; Breslau 114, no.9
 25 18v g-a" Fantasia
 26 19v a-a" Fantasia Breslau 114, nos.35, 43
 27 20or a-a" Fantasia
 28 201o a-c"' Fantasia
 29 21r a-a" Fantasia
 30 21v d'-b" Fantasia
 31 22r a-c"' Fantasia
 32 22v a-b" Fantasia
 33 23r g-c"' Fantasia incomplete?
 34 23v b-b" Fantasia
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 51
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 Table 1 continued
 No. Folio Range Inscription Notes
 35 24r a-c'" Fantasia Breslau 114, nos.26, 43
 36 24r d'-bb" Currant
 37 24v c'-a" Fantasia Breslau 114, no.39
 38 25r g-a" Fantasia
 39 25v a-a" Fantasia N[?] Breslau 114, no.37
 40 26v g-b" Englif8 Mars. [illegible] Nicolai Bleyers theme, 4 variations
 Violista bei dem H. V. von Schaumburg
 <added at end> Bass[en?] ad Praecedentim
 41 27v e'-b" Capriccio della Frantzesa
 42 28v b-bb" Fantasia GB-Ob Mus. Sch. MS.D.246, p.117, another version,
 octave lower
 43 29v a-c"' Fantasia
 44 30v a-b" Modo di Passeggiar Con diverse Rognoni, Francesco, Selva de varii passaggi secondo
 Inventioni Non regolati al Canto NB, l'uso moderno per cantare, & suonare con ogni sorte
 Vestiva [i] colli del Palestrina de stromenti (Milan: Lomazzo, 1620), PP.59-61
 45 31v g-c"' Sonata per Un Violino NB Ottavio Maria Grandi, Sonate per ogni sorte di
 stromenti, op.2 (Venice: Gardano, 1628), no.1, without
 bass (incomplete?)
 46 32v g-b" Fantasia Frantz
 47 34r g-f"' Fantasia Steffan Nau: <at end> finis:
 Stephen Naw der Princessin zu
 Heidelberg Danzmeister hatts componirt
 48 35v g-b" Fantasia
 49 36v g-c" Bergmasca [von?] Niarnberg bekommen
 50 36r c'-b" Ballett Mercury Mercure d'Orleanst
 51 37v g-c"' More Palatino theme, 2 variations
 52 38v g-b" Echo in Violino over Cornetto
 53 39v G-c" More palatino bass line of More Palatino; theme, 1 variation
 54 4or D-a' Viel trawren in meinen hertzen bass viol
 55 4or Gi-c' Fantasia bass viol
 D-g'
 56 4ov E-d" Anchor che col Partire Viola Bastarda unknown in Italian treatises
 57 41r Bi-e' Currant bass viol, 'Barafostus Dreame'
 58 41r A-e' Fantasia bass viol
 59 41r d-g' bass viol
 60 41v G-g' Bergamasca bass viol
 61 41v G-e' bass viol, chorale Auf auf mein Hertze, und du mein
 ganzer Sinn
 62 41v c-f#' Ricercar <in error> Auff auff mein hertze. bass viol
 63 42r c-a' Ricercar bass viol
 64 42v E-g' Alamanta. Viola allemande bass line
 52 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 Table 1 continued
 No. Folio Range Inscription Notes
 65 43v g-c"' Pergamasca 8 variations
 66 45v a-c"' Fuga duum vocum <next page> two trebles
 Cantus secundus
 67 61v a-b" Passomezo G: b mol cum variationibus 9 variations
 68 71r E-c" Rognioni 1592 bastarda, 'Facile per la Viola bastarda,
 Anchor che col partire'
 69 71v D-b" Rognioni 1592 bastarda, 'Per la Viola bastarda,
 Anchor che col partire'
 70 72v D-f" Rognioni 1592 bastarda, 'Per la Viola bastarda in altro
 modo. Unghai bergier'
 71 73v D-d" Rognioni 1592 bastarda, 'Facile per la Viola bastarda.
 Unghai bergier'
 72 74r D-g' Fantasia in Bastart bass viol
 73 76r Solus Cum sola gesetz a A. H. John Dowland pavane, keyboard tablature fragment,
 unknown hand
 * Diminutions on Palestrina motet. Richardo Rognoni, Passaggi per potersi essercitare nel diminuire terminatiamente con ogni
 sorte d'instromenti (Venice: Vincenti, 1592)
 t The model for these diminutions survives in several manuscript copies, including: D Ngm 33748 I f.4o, no.78 'Ballet (S.N.)';
 CZ Pnm IV.G.18 ff.152v-153, no.226; and D LEm II 6 15 (Dlugoraj) p.300oo, no.288, in a shorter version; for a transcription of
 the model, see (Euvres des Mercure, ed. M. Rollin and J.-M. Vaccaro, Corpus des Luthistes Frangais (1977), no.22
 Table 2 Generic analysis of Breslau 114
 Genre Violin Bass Total
 fantasias 31" 4t 35
 ricercars 8 2 o10
 toccatas 2 - 2
 diminished polyphony 1 5 6
 sonatas 1 - 1
 variations on grounds 6 1 7
 three-part dances 2 1 3
 two-part dances - 3 3
 chorales 2 1 3
 * One entitled 'Echo.' t One without title
 Table 3 Sectional analysis of Breslau 114
 Section Folios Instruments
 1 2r-39r one violin (one piece with bass)
 2 39V-42v bass viol or viola, some alla bastarda
 3 43v-46r one and two violins
 4 61v-63r violin
 5 71r-74v bass viol alla bastarda
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 53
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 especially the ten pieces that can be played on the
 upper three strings, may well have been copied from
 a repertory that is not specific as to instrument.
 Whoever compiled the volume must have also
 played bass viol, since there are a number of pieces in
 bass range, of which most make liberal use of chords
 specific to the instrument. The organization of the
 manuscript in sections broadly according to instru-
 ment, be it treble or bass, for the most part separated
 by one or more blank folios, suggests that the scribe
 intended to add more pieces to each section at a later
 date (see table 3). There are signs, too, that the vol-
 ume was for practical use: virtually every piece
 begins on a new page, and a blank page is left if nec-
 essary so that two-page pieces begin on a verso page
 to avoid the need for a page turn.
 Many of the pieces were presumably copied from
 manuscripts that may have circulated widely and for
 some time, though some could have been original
 inventions of the scribe. While the copies from
 printed books are all Italian, as are, presumably, a
 number of those from circulating manuscripts, some
 of the pieces in the volume are clearly German: there
 are pieces from Heidelberg, Nuremberg and Bticke-
 burg; Nikolaus Bleyer, 'Violistabei dem H. V. von
 Schaumburg', Defffel, Gartner of Nuremberg1? and
 Frantz are all, presumably, German (though 'Frantz'
 may refer to the country rather than to a composer,
 and Gartner might have been the person from whom
 the scribe obtained the piece, rather than its com-
 poser); and Etienne Nau, 'der Princessin zu Heidel-
 berg Tanzmeister' was working in Germany when he
 wrote his fantasia. Several of the pieces are associated
 with Nuremberg, suggesting the possibility that the
 compiler of the volume worked somewhere in the
 Nuremberg region: a toccata and a bergamasca both
 specify Nuremberg in their inscriptions, and one of
 the possible sources for the model of the 'Ballett
 Mercury' was a Nuremberg manuscript. There was a
 close musical relationship between Nuremberg and
 the Heidelberg court, and the Nau fantasia may also,
 therefore, have arrived in the hands of the scribe of
 Breslau 114 via Nuremberg."
 Breslau 114 and Frankfurt am Main
 The somewhat hurried hand of Breslau 114, which
 could suggest compilation for personal use (see
 illus.2), provides a clue to a possible origin for the
 manuscript in Frankfurt am Main. The hand is
 found in only two other Breslau manuscripts: Ms.111
 (a set of partbooks with instrumental ensemble
 music by Adam Jarzebski, Samuel Scheidt and
 Ottavio Maria Grandi) and Ms.113 (a single volume
 of extracts from Italian diminution treatises).
 Mss.113 and 114 are a pair: they are on the same paper
 with the same watermarks, and have matching bind-
 ings (from an old missal or antiphoner, as was com-
 mon practice in 17th-century bookbinding), while
 'No 1' and 'No 2' are faintly detectible on the front
 covers along with the letter 'S.' On the back paste-
 ,~~ ~~ ..... . ..... .... ....................... .....................
 ---iii r- iii:;;:-i-- 1-:__:1:i : - . :-P
 ?~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .?.~i~_:iiiiiji iii~:0i~iij ~i
 i Doiathn o rsa 1
 54~ ~ ~~_:: EAL MUI FERAY20
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 down of Ms.113 is a notation chart for translating
 between staff and tablature notation, with the signa-
 ture of a Johann Georg Beck (see illus.3). Even
 though the material in the chart is not sufficient to
 show whether it is in the same hand as the rest of the
 volume, the Beck who signed the chart must have
 been closely associated, as either scribe or owner,
 with Ms.113, and therefore also with Ms.114. There
 are no records of a violinist or string-playing Beck in
 Breslau, and it is possible, therefore, that the Beck
 who signed Ms.113, and the volumes associated with
 him, came from elsewhere.12
 A 1627 petition to the town council of Frankfurt
 relates some details of the life of a Johann Georg
 Beck, who himself played, among other instruments,
 the violin. It graphically illustrates conditions of the
 life of a German musician during the Thirty Years
 War:
 ... leider zu viel bewust waf3massen durch daf3 ungliickselige
 Kriegswesen, so daf gantze ROmische Reich fast auff daf eiiser-
 ste ruiniret, daf auch vorneher Stitte nicht verschonet worden,
 wie dann insonderheit mein liebes Vatterland, die Stadt Hage-
 nauw, darin ich gebohren, unnd erzogen, auch mit leiden
 miissen, in deme nit allein durch die Mansfeldische Soldaten
 die Stadt sampt der Burgerschafft dermassen verhengt werden,
 daJ fast nichts mehr verblieben darbey es nit verblieben, sodem
 es haben hernach... durch derselben Soldatesca die Stadt wer-
 den einnehmen, unnd zugleich auch die Bapstliche Supersti-
 tiones introduciren lassen, alflo nit allein uber die Stad, sondern
 auch uber die gewissen herschen wallen, dardurch ich ver-
 ursachte, meine studia daselbst zu verlassen, unnd nach
 Strafiburg von darauf? anhero mich zu refugen, unnd eine Zeit-
 lang alhier zu [?]reprentiren, welches auch so lang gewehret,
 bif hernacher ich mich an den Graff Nassau Hoff zu Sar-
 briicken fur einen Musicanten, Vermbg meines Abschieds,
 gebrauchen lassen. Nachdem aber J. Gp. Graff Ludwig, vielle-
 icht daJ trawrichen zustands in den Landen, die Hoffhaltung
 etwafJ eingezogen, dabey auch die hoff Music eingestelt. Habe
 ich wieder alhero mich begeben, die Zeitt aber mit instituirung
 der Jugend, auff der Discant Viol und Instrument zuge-
 brauchtte...
 You know too well that through the misfortune of war the
 whole Roman Empire is almost completely ruined, and that
 even the most important cities have not been spared. In par-
 ticular, in my beloved homeland, the town of Haguenau
 where I was born and brought up, ... not only was the town
 and the citizenry ravaged so that almost nothing was left,
 but the troops ... introduced the superstitions of popery,
 wanting to govern not only the town but also beliefs. Thus I
 was forced to abandon my studies and make my way to
 Strasbourg to seek refuge [from where] I took my leave to go
 - ,
 iT
 to
 3 Notation chart from the back paste-down of Breslau 113
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 55
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 as a musician to the court of the Count of Nassau at
 Saarbrticken. However, then Count Ludwig, perhaps because
 of the sorry state of his territory, cut back the household, and
 discontinued the court music. So I turned to teaching discant
 viol and keyboard to youngsters ... 13
 During the war considerations of security and
 conscience induced massive upheavals and displace-
 ments, and there can have been few German musi-
 cians who remained at one town or court through-
 out the period. Yet from 1627 to his death in 1638
 Beck found in Frankfurt some respite from his
 migrations. Here he played at the church of St
 Catherine and at the Barftiferkirche, where he had a
 position of some responsibility.14 Johann (or Hans)
 Georg Beck of Haguenau was one of a family of
 musicians:15 his oldest son Johann (or Hans) Hektor,
 also a violinist, studied the violin for a time with his
 cousin Carl Pleichard Beck in Strasbourg, and pub-
 lished several anthologies of instrumental ensemble
 music.16 He probably arrived in Frankfurt in or
 shortly before 1626.17 There are no records of his
 presence in Frankfurt before 1626, but Hans Georg,
 presumably Beck, is mentioned by Kapellmeister
 Johann Andreas Herbst in a petition to the town
 council dated 27 April 1626.'" A 1626 catalogue of
 instruments at the Barfitierkirche lists a Posaune
 'von Hans Georg Beck pro 6V2 Thaler erkauft',19 but
 the 1625 catalogue in Herbst's hand that formed the
 core of the 1626 version, does not mention the pur-
 chase.20
 Beck owned several volumes that may well have
 been rather like Breslau 114. An inventory of his pos-
 sessions compiled in 1638 lists many musical instru-
 ments and a considerable quantity of music, both
 printed and in manuscript.21 It is not clear whether
 the inventory is of Beck's personal possessions, of a
 business that he may have run trading in musicalia,
 or of the music and instruments used by the town
 musicians that may have been in his keeping. The
 music in the inventory covers a broad range of Ger-
 man and Italian sacred and secular vocal music,
 instrumental ensemble music, and tablature books
 for organ and lute. It includes four volumes of music
 for 'discant viol' and four of music for viola bastarda
 that, had they survived, would have told a fascinat-
 ing chapter in the story of musical life in early 17th-
 century Frankfurt. The books of'discant viol' music,
 presumably for his own use, are as likely to be for
 violin as for viol, especially as nomenclature was
 fluid, and an inventory compiler might have had
 trouble distinguishing between music for the two
 instruments. Beck tells us that he played 'discant
 viol', but he certainly had access to violins, and must
 surely have played them: the inventory lists over two
 dozen 'Discantgeigen',surely violins; his son Hans
 Hektor Beck is specifically mentioned in the inven-
 tory as the player of one of those violins; and his
 cousin, Carl Pleichard Beck, was a violinist in Stras-
 bourg. Beck was certainly up to date with Italian
 violin music: his inventory lists volumes by Buona-
 mente, Castello, Farina, Ottavio Maria Grandi,
 Marini, Salomone Rossi and Scarani.
 4kP
 ..'?4 .fJ1I'i -' Fz~r4ti f*I~f t:irr
 I I * ,'t-, .[--,,"- -, - rifr - > "' i '4.
 -t.v If'I 7 I
 I ; , r'.? /: ,I ,;;1 ? I ; f
 4 Non-matching hand of Breslau 114 (Daniel Sartorius)
 56 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 It is possible that the Beck of Frankfurt am Main is
 the Beck who signed Breslau Ms.113; but since the
 various petitions by Beck to the Frankfurt town
 council were signed not by Beck himself but by the
 notary who copied them, it is not possible to make a
 direct identification by comparing signatures. The
 most important clue that the two Becks are one and
 the same is provided by the third Breslau volume in
 the same hand, Ms.iii. This volume contains, in
 partbook format, instrumental ensemble music by
 Adam Jarzebski, Samuel Scheidt and Ottavio Maria
 Grandi.22 It is the only known source of the concer-
 tos and canzonas by Adam Jarzebski; yet the 'Con-
 certen Adam Harzebsky geschrieben' also appears in
 the Beck inventory. The description in the Beck
 inventory is plausible as a reference to Ms.iil: the
 compiler of the inventory might not have looked
 further than the title-pages of the partbooks, which
 mention only Jarzebski, and therefore not have
 noticed that they also contained pieces by Samuel
 Scheidt and Ottavio Maria Grandi. Indeed, in most
 of the partbooks Grandi is identified in another, pre-
 sumably later, hand. Further, the second bass part-
 book of Ms.lii, with the individual dedications to
 various persons as they appear in the original print,
 shows that the Grandi pieces in Ms.111 were copied
 directly from the printed book, an exemplar of
 which was in Beck's possession.23
 There are in the Breslau collection, then, three
 volumes, Mss.iil, 113 and 114, predominantly in the
 same hand, one containing the signature of a Johann
 Georg Beck; and there is, in Frankfurt, the inventory
 of a Johann Georg Beck containing three items that
 could plausibly correspond to the three manuscript
 volumes. One of these correspondences, Breslau
 Ms.lll with Beck's 'Concerten Adam Harzebsky
 geschrieben', is particularly striking. It is likely, then,
 that Breslau Mss.113 and 114 originated in Frankfurt.
 Two fragments of evidence, however, suggest oth-
 erwise. First, one page in each of the manuscripts is
 in a hand that does not match the rest of the vol-
 umes, and in the case of Breslau 114, the hand is that
 of a Breslau scribe, Daniel Sartorius (c.1612-1671).
 (For a sample of the page from Breslau 114 in the
 hand of Daniel Sartorius see illus.4.) Sartorius,
 teacher at the Gymnasium of St Elisabeth in Breslau,
 was responsible for the copying of a number of other
 Breslau manuscripts,24 though archival evidence, the
 commemorative document published on his pro-
 motion at the Gymnasium in 1651, and the funeral
 oration and memorial poems published on his
 death, all fail to associate him with music, or to assist
 in dating his copies.25 However, he must have had
 some contact with important musicians, since
 Andreas Hammerschmidt wrote a 'Hochzeitsgesang
 fiur Daniel Sartorius: Es ist nicht gut, dass der Men-
 sch allein sei.' In Breslau 113 the rogue hand is less
 easy to identify (see illus.5), but it bears some resem-
 blance to that of Sartorius. Second, watermarks also
 link Breslau 113 and 114 to Sartorius, for, of all the
 Breslau manuscripts, only papers in Sartorius's hand
 share the main watermarks of Mss.113 and 114
 i: ' ... : .. ........... :' : :{::i:::? : : ": - ,r .
 5 No-mathinghandof Besla 113(?Daiel artoius
 7 ~ ~ AL MUSIC.i:l:,-~i FERUR 2004 57i?~:: ::-i -i~-i
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 (though this paper, by Wendelin Riehel of Stras-
 bourg, was common over a long period and a wide
 area). ~6 Perhaps the 'S' on the binding of Mss.113 and
 114 indicates that they were at one time in Sartorius's
 possession.
 Only conjecture can weave this contrary evidence
 into a narrative of a Frankfurt am Main origin for
 Breslau 114. For example, this narrative would have
 to imagine Sartorius, accustomed to travel far afield
 in his quest for music for the Breslau churches, in
 Frankfurt in 1638, and attending the disposal of
 Beck's inventory; acquiring at least two volumes of
 violin music, the volume with the Jarzebski pieces,
 and, perhaps, a stock of paper; and, on his return to
 Breslau, depositing the music volumes in the library
 of one of the churches (probably that of St Elisabeth,
 with which he was closely associated), or perhaps
 keeping them in his personal library, using spare
 pages in Mss.n3 and 114 to copy related material. In
 Breslau they would have been destined, more than
 two centuries later, to become Mss.113, 114 and 111 of
 the Stadtbibliothek.
 The recent history of Breslau 114
 Until the early 1990os it had been thought that only
 the printed volumes from the Breslau Stadtbiblio-
 thek had survived the unprecedented destruction
 and displacement of cultural materials wrought by
 World War II.J7 In fact, most of the manuscripts,
 including Ms.114, were also saved. In 1942 the Breslau
 librarians and archivists who were still at their posts,
 like their colleagues in many parts of Europe, orga-
 nized a systematic removal of materials from the
 Stadtbibliothek and city archives, under sometimes
 hair-raising circumstances, to places that were less
 likely to suffer destruction from the ever-increasing
 Allied bombing. The printed music books were sent
 to Heinrichau (now Henryk6w), and over the fol-
 lowing two years the music manuscripts from the
 Stadtbibliothek were dispatched to Ramfeld (now
 Ramultowice), Bohrau (now Borowa) and Neukirch
 (now Nowy Kosci61).28 All these sites were in Silesia,
 a part of pre-war Germany integrated into post-war
 Poland under the terms of the Yalta and Potsdam
 conferences.
 After the war the various materials from Poland
 and Germany stored in Silesia (including material
 from the old Poland taken by Germany) were recov-
 ered by representatives of the Soviet and Polish
 states. The printed music books from the Breslau
 libraries, presumably found by the Poles, were
 returned to what had by then become Wroclaw, to
 form part of the collection of the new university
 library. The Breslau manuscripts, however, must
 have been found by the Soviets, since they were
 taken to Moscow.29 In the 195os, especially during
 1956-8, substantial quantities of Soviet-held German
 material were returned to what was then the German
 Democratic Republic.30 At this time, the Breslau
 music manuscripts were sent to the East German
 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, where their presence was
 kept a closely guarded secret.31
 The reason for sending them to Berlin is unclear.
 One possibility is that, considered by the Soviets to
 be German rather than Polish, they were sent to East
 Germany along with many other war trophies. They
 may also have been intended to increase East Ger-
 many's advantage over West Germany in negotia-
 tions with Poland for the return of German materi-
 als held by the Poles, including many important
 music manuscripts from the Staatsbibliothek zu
 Berlin.32 At some point, perhaps after the revelation,
 in the late 1970s, of the presence of so much material
 from the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin in the library of
 the Jagiellonian University in Krak6w, such negotia-
 tions for an exchange betweenPoland and East Ger-
 many did indeed involve the Breslau manuscripts.33
 The Breslau manuscripts were still in Berlin at the
 time of German reunification, however, and, with a
 few exceptions, remain there today.34
 The Breslau fantasias
 The rarity of the word 'fantasia' in printed sources of
 music for solo bowed strings before about 1650, as
 opposed to its widespread use in publications for
 lute and keyboard, is probably more a consequence
 of the sociology and economics of music dissemina-
 tion and instrumental practice than an indication of
 any lack of invention and imagination among violin-
 ists. Almost all 46 pieces in Breslau 114-variously
 entitled fantasia, ricercar or toccata,35 mostly in a
 highly florid style-could have been invented ex
 tempore, for only one or two display evidence of
 composed structural organization. The markers of
 58 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 compositional craft found in genres such as can-
 zonas and sonatas-changes of mensuration (espe-
 cially interpolated triple sections in a predominantly
 duple-time context) and imitation between the
 voices, for example-are virtually absent in the Bres-
 lau fantasias, where the signs of an organizing prin-
 ciple are in most cases restricted to occasional
 cadences, usually approached by a stylized semiqua-
 ver trill. It seems likely, therefore, that, as with much
 of the notated lute and keyboard repertory, the fan-
 tasias represent a practice that was essentially impro-
 visatory.
 For lutenists and keyboardists the art of the fanta-
 sia was a close cousin of that of inventing diminu-
 tions on pre-existing polyphonic models. Sixteenth-
 century treatises recommended intabulation of
 vocal models as practice for the art of improvising a
 fantasia, and while, according to many theorists, the
 fantasia was a piece that originated solely in the
 imagination of the player, in fact it was often based
 on a repertory of motives and points remembered
 from the vocal repertory. Both Sancta Maria and
 Bermudo, for example, recommend the memoriza-
 tion of passages from vocal polyphony for integra-
 tion at any point (and, presumably, in any mode) in
 a fantasia.36 In the composed repertory, many fan-
 tasias follow this advice to such an extent that they
 are virtual parodies or paraphrases of vocal pieces.
 The common stylistic language shared by glossed
 intabulations, parodies and fantasias often makes for
 difficulties in distinguishing between them without
 the help of explicit indications.37
 Sixteenth-century ricercars by Ganassi, Ortiz, Vir-
 giliano and Bassano for a solo melody instrument,
 either treble or bass, are all closely associated with
 the technique of inventing diminutions on an exist-
 ing model.38 Some of Ganassi's ricercars, for exam-
 ple, are to 'acquire the technique of playing divisions
 beyond the frets'.39 In Ortiz the short ricercars are
 published alongside examples of such diminutions;
 in Virgiliano one of the ricercars is in fact a set of
 diminutions, and two incorporate melodic material
 from polyphonic models;40 and in Bassano, who
 later published a large quantity of diminution exam-
 ples,41 the ricercars are in a volume with exercises
 along the lines of the formulas for diminution prac-
 tice in other treatises.
 As in the lute and keyboard repertories and the
 16th-century solo ricercars, the Breslau fantasias
 share a stylistic domain with diminutions of poly-
 phonic models. The patterns of their elaborate figu-
 ration are often reminiscent of the examples of
 diminution practice in the Italian treatises and of
 florid pieces from repertories for other instru-
 ments.42 This suggests a common language of figura-
 tion to be drawn on in any improvisatory context
 that also formed the basis of a figurative vocabulary
 for composed genres such as solo sonatas. In view of
 this analogy between the repertories for violin and
 for other instruments, and of the fact that musicians
 were often highly versatile in the range of instru-
 ments that they played, it seems almost impossible
 that Sancta Maria's and Bermudo's advice would not
 have been followed by violinists in the invention of
 fantasias. Yet the difficulty of distinguishing between
 glossed intabulations and either free or parodic lute
 and keyboard fantasias by means of stylistic markers
 also has its parallel in the violin repertory: defining
 stylistic distinctions between diminutions on vocal
 models and violin fantasias is highly problematic.
 Where the Ganassi and Ortiz ricercars are consid-
 erably less florid than the Breslau fantasias, the eight
 ricercars for single melody instrument in Bassano's
 1585 treatise and the 13 examples by Virgiliano are
 strikingly similar to the Breslau fantasias in their fig-
 urative patterns. The compiler of Breslau 114 even
 included copies of the Bassano ricercars in his vol-
 ume, though the first of the ricercars is entitled 'fan-
 tasia' in the manuscript, and the last is copied twice,
 once with the title 'fantasia in violin.' He does not,
 therefore, seem to have drawn a stylistic distinction
 between the Bassano pieces and the other fantasias
 he copied. Yet the Bassano ricercars differ from most
 of the other Breslau pieces in the rhythmic vitality
 imparted by their use of syncopation, especially in
 the opening motives, and of demisemiquavers,
 rare elsewhere in the volume. None of them opens
 with a straightforward canzona rhythm, nor does
 any of them make a gesture toward imitation of
 the opening motive, both features of many of the
 other Breslau fantasias and several of the Virgiliano
 ricercars.
 In view of the stylistic similarities between the
 Breslau fantasias and the ricercars by Bassano and
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 59
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 Ex.1 Fantasia, Breslau 114, no.ll
 [?e+a]
 0 ) i , ' ' I 'F ? L JL* L J - i F F F 4 ' [ - - .U
 8 f*-t " l -t rH lrlll "---r . " ?Fi:, W-rF .
 14 I 2 I I [?g] [?f]
 i) 4 I I I F I , J , _ _o -
 21
 25
 29
 34
 39
 49
 52
 0. * *--- r --I,-
 L., i..,,I ' W - - " ...-
 49 .... _ . . ;;' i 2ii -ir wr- ' jL'= j7IU J=?'= - " 2
 57
 62
 66
 ~-?-- -- ''I'll' -i
 0). r - iI-1 iI -_ -
 70
 0) - - __" __. ... ..I _J I..JJ .J ' - __ 'I - ' .. ..
 79
 83
 60 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 Virgiliano, many of them probably share a geo-
 graphic and chronological origin. The Venetian Bas-
 sano, cornettist and maestro di concerto at St Mark's
 from 16o01 until his death in 1617, presumably con-
 ceived his ricercars primarily for his own instru-
 ment, and Virgiliano lists several different melody
 instruments as suitable for his ricercars. It is likely,
 then, that other Breslau fantasias originated as cor-
 netto pieces by musicians like Bassano and Girolamo
 dalla Casa at St Mark's. Perhaps Francesco Bonfante
 or one of the other Venetian violinists was responsi-
 ble for the dissemination of the eighth ricercar as a
 'Fantasia in Violin', and even for the invention of
 some of the other Breslau fantasias.43
 Fantasia no.11 is typical of the Breslau fantasias in
 its range of basic figurative building blocks (see ex.i).
 Though in many of the fantasias, the generic and
 unimaginative figuration suggests them to be little
 more than didactic, in fantasia 11 the balance of imi-
 tation and free passagework, the rhythmic variety
 and the imaginative exploration of textures specific
 to the violin all contribute to a satisfying sense of
 drama. The opening motive, answered by imitation
 at the 5th, resembles a point of imitation from the
 polyphonic repertory,almost as if introducing a set
 of diminutions on, say, the model of an ensemble
 canzona or ricercar.44 This canzona-like opening
 and feint toward contrapuntal imitation are com-
 mon in both the Breslau fantasias and the 16th-cen-
 tury solo ricercars: in Breslau fantasia no.29, for
 example, the opening motive is repeated at the 5th
 and then at the octave, and variations of that same
 motive recur through the piece (see ex.2).
 In the case of fantasia no.ii, the violin's capacity to
 play double stops suggests the continuation of the
 first voice with the imitation, a technique echoed in
 two of the three subsequent quasi-points of imita-
 tion.45 These double stops mark out fantasia no.11
 clearly as being for violin, as does the texture, found
 in a number of other Breslau fantasias, of a repeat
 (bars 81-7) of the approach to the final cadence (bars
 74-80). In two chorale tunes in Breslau 114 (nos.3, 4),
 this texture is described by the word 'Cimbel' in the
 inscription (see ex.3). The title, 'Symbell', of a piece
 in the early 17th-century lutebook of Per Brahe sig-
 nals an analogous figuration (see ex.4).46 Again, the
 texture appears in the violin parts for the setting of
 the text 'Gloria sei dir gesungen ... mit Zimbeln' in
 Michael Praetorius's sacred concerto Wachet auf
 ruft uns die Stimme.47 Perhaps all these examples fol-
 low an association between this texture and one of
 the instruments with etymology rooted in the Greek
 kumbalon or Latin cymbala, which would include
 tuned bells, hammered string instruments (such as
 EX.2 Fantasia, Breslau 114, no.29, opening
 8
 19
 A~~~I FJ F'l r rI r r : - I - , r l I
 Ex.3 'Cimbel Von Himmel hoch da komm', Breslau 114, no.3
 I Iii Ii,". II A .9~
 % ,F L a-- l..J IJ-- _ L.J--L- '._1- I__ 6
 12
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 1 i
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 61
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 Ex.4 Opening of'Symbell', Per Brahe's lutebook, no.5, f.lov
 r T f L f L'r r
 the Hungarian cimbalom or the clavicembalo), and
 untuned cymbals. It seems likely that there is a
 connection between this texture and the 'Zimbel' or
 'Zimbelstern' organ stops.48
 Violin fantasias in England
 An English source of consort and lyra-viol music
 dating from between 1633 and 1636, and associated
 with the household of Prince Henry, son of James I,
 is perhaps an unlikely place to find florid single-line
 instrumental pieces with striking resemblances to
 the Breslau fantasias. Yet there is group of six such
 pieces in Oxford, Bodlian Library, Mus.Sch.Ms.
 D.246, one of a set of three manuscript volumes,
 D.245-7, in the hand of the Gloucester lay clerk, John
 Merro.49 Merro was a prolific copyist, and virtually
 all the music he copied in his many manuscript vol-
 umes is either English or readily available in publica-
 tions in England.50 These pieces, assuming they are
 not English, are thus very much the exception in
 Merro's manuscripts. Perhaps they and the solo vio-
 lin fantasia style came to England from Italy with the
 composer, singer and violinist Angelo Notari, or one
 of the many Anglo-Italian musicians such as the
 Lupo family of violinists or the Bassanos, all working
 in England.51
 In the cases of two of these florid pieces in the
 Oxford source, the first and last, the relationship to
 Breslau 114 is much closer than resemblance: one is
 almost exactly concordant (the first Merro piece
 with Breslau fantasia no.ii), and the other (the last of
 the Merro group) is a rather different version of
 what is nonetheless clearly the same piece (Breslau
 fantasia no.42). The differences between Breslau fan-
 tasia 11 and its Oxford concordance are fairly minor:
 there are, for example, a number of variations in the
 placing of metrical stress, and the six-bar elaborated
 'petite reprise' in the 'Cimbel' style is absent in the
 Oxford version.52 Whoever brought the last of the
 series of pieces in D.246 to England, however, clearly
 did not have with him the model used by the scribe
 of Breslau 114: the Oxford version of the piece has
 extra sections; the mensural proportions between
 sections are quite different; there are many other
 variations in metrical organization; the mode is
 often different; and the Oxford version is in the
 tenor and bass range (the only one of the Oxford
 pieces for which this is the case), an octave below its
 companion in Breslau 114. It is likely that the Oxford
 version was adapted from the violin version: the
 variant bass ending descends more than an octave
 below the violin range for the first time, suggesting
 that it was added specifically to allow a bass instru-
 ment to end on a full chord. (See ex.5 for an
 attempted parallel transcription of the Oxford and
 Breslau versions; note that there are no rests in either
 version.)
 Seventeenth-century correspondences between
 pieces and instruments were, of course, fluid, with
 alternatives even between instruments of different
 ranges. Some of Thomas Baltzar's violin music, for
 example, was on occasion arranged for bass instru-
 ment, and he himself may have created violin music
 out of existing English lyra-viol repertory.53 In Bres-
 lau 114, pieces like the ricercar no.63 in the tenor
 range and the 'fantasia in bastart' no.73 in the bass,
 stylistically indistinguishable from a number of vio-
 lin fantasias, probably also served on occasion, suit-
 ably transposed, as violin pieces. Likewise, the many
 violin-range fantasias in Breslau 114 may have been
 played from time to time on tenor and bass instru-
 ments.
 The fantasia by Btienne Nau
 The Nau fantasia must, then, have been composed
 by 1619, and probably after 1613. This is certainly
 within the period of other datable items in the vol-
 ume, for there are copies from editions of 1585 and
 1628, and the set of variations by Nikolaus Bleyer,
 'Violista bei dem H. V. von Schaumburg', on the
 popular tune Est-ce Mars is datable to between 1615
 and 1621, the years of his service at the court of
 Count Ernst at Btickeburg.54 If, as seems likely, Bres-
 lau 114 was compiled after 1626, when war-induced
 62 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 Ex.5 Parallel transcription of the openings of Fantasia, Breslau 114, no.4z, and untitled fantasia from Oxford, Bodleian
 Library, MS.D.246, no.6
 Breslau
 no.42
 Oxford
 P
 I J I
 U - " - L __.___1, , - U . U. '.
 1.9
 ,,_ I I I - _ I I I _ I I I _ I I | ~ _I | | - " - I 
 I F IL F, # I- ' - r r r'mw, -,LI..,r- - " ~ -'.
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 63"
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 63
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 Ex.6 Fantasia, Breslau 114, no.48
 9 [e+a?]
 69
 17 ,-,. l L F ,. i IJ . I I ' I l l " I I/ I L. F 1 4 I I.., l I
 25
 46
 510
 -A A.f -I
 634 A M
 69
 .9 C-I-I ~e~iii
 4 A I I I M I"I I HAi" 'I,
 , W I -- I f=" B I A if I / I = i,,I I I I= " ' .I f A I i fI - " I
 I lpi-i , i .J I I Ip' F- II ,,li' . H ,
 - -* TII ~ I q I -.. i
 64 ..EARLY .MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 . . ..IIri.. . . L - " -"IIrl
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 wanderings of the possible scribe, Johann Georg
 Beck, ended in his settling in Frankfurt am Main,
 then Nau's fantasia must have circulated for some
 time in manuscript copies before arriving in Beck's
 hands. Quite probably, then, it was known to a num-
 ber of violinists, and either played by them, or used
 as an example on which to base their own fantasias
 and playing styles.
 Nau's piece is outstanding among the Breslau vio-
 lin fantasias in its dramaticuse of the violin, entering
 a truly fantastic world of adventurous, at times ver-
 tiginous, violinistic invention. It is one of an excep-
 tional subgroup within Breslau 114 formed by the last
 three violin fantasias, nos.46-8. Each of the three is
 considerably more inventive in its figuration, makes
 significantly more imaginative use of the characteris-
 tics of the instrument, and displays a far keener dra-
 matic sense than the other fantasias in the volume.
 Two, no.47, Fantasia Frantz, and no.48, by Nau, are
 clearly not of Italian origin, and, of all the fantasias,
 are by far the most effective and engaging in perfor-
 mance. Perhaps, then, these three pieces date from
 somewhat later than the other fantasias, northern
 successors to an Italian tradition of fantasia improvi-
 sation that in Italy had, by the early 17th century,
 given way to the compositional order of the solo
 sonata.
 In fantasia no.48 a broken texture suggests the
 continuation of the upper voice over the entry of the
 altus (bars 4-7) and then of the upper two voices
 over the tenor (bars 8-11; see ex.6, with the altus and
 tenor entries in diamond-headed notes). Through-
 out the piece, this texture continues to suggest more
 than one voice, resulting in alternations of register
 that require an agility permitted by few instruments
 other than the violin. In Fantasia Frantz, a generic
 opening gradually gives way to progressively more
 elaborate, figurations (see ex.7). Particularly effec-
 tive for the violin are the long descending
 and ascending sequence of an ornamental string-
 crossing technique incorporating double stops (bars
 57-83), leading to a cadence on A, and the sequenced
 double-stop figuration (bars 93-8) based on an
 unmistakable reference to the chorale Vater unser
 im Himmelreich (bars 92-3). From the wide leaps in
 bars 111-15, through the elaborate double stops
 in bars 116-19 with their suggestion of triple
 time, the half-crazed leaping arpeggiated semi-
 quavers grouped in threes (bars 121-2), and the
 final double-stop peroration, the composer
 unleashes a broad arsenal of 17th-century violinists'
 pyrotechnics.
 Nau's own fantasia surpasses in range, technical
 requirements, and exploration of colours specific to
 the violin, virtually all notated violin repertory
 before about 1630, where the necessity of leaving first
 position is still relatively rare (see ex.8). From the
 very opening, where a tremolo effect transforms a
 generic canzona-imitative motive into a dramatic
 tour de force, the piece sets out on a daring explo-
 ration of the violin's particular sound-world. Each of
 the effects in this opening section seems carefully
 calculated to take advantage of the violin's charac-
 teristics. The opening tremolo, so natural with a
 bow, yet almost impossible without, invites the per-
 former to begin with the slightest whisper of sound,
 gradually gaining in presence, but only to die away
 again as the imitation of the opening motive, one 5th
 lower, begins to lose its way and trails off an octave
 higher (bars 7-8). An almost fanfare-like quaver fig-
 ure that recalls the shape of the opening motive (bar
 9) sets off a cascade of figuration, with repeated
 notes recalling the texture of the opening. This flurry
 of activity is suddenly interrupted by a startling ges-
 ture, a leap to a high F, higher than any note so far in
 the violin repertory; without preparation or resolu-
 tion, the short, interpolated high-register figure
 effects a textural rupture (bar 19). Such a leap,
 repeated several times through the piece, must have
 pushed the 17th-century violinist to the technical
 limit. Only a firm hold of the violin with the chin
 would have permitted such a bold stroke. Five long
 descents and ascents from a" down to a and back up
 to a" (bars 62-8; 68-74; 74-80; 80-86; 86-93), each
 exploring the possibilities inherent in a new texture,
 invite a continual fluidity in intensity of sound and
 momentum. A cadenza-like passage following the
 resolution in bar 96 sets the stage for an unprece-
 dented display of virtuosity, with double notes in
 continuous semiquavers stretching the violinist's
 technical capacities well beyond their accustomed
 limits.
 Aside from the fantasia, the surviving music by
 Nau is for instrumental ensemble, and, as with all
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 65
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 Ex.7 Opening of Fantasia Frantz, Breslau 114, no.46
 9 i ii-)i' I " " IL " I - '- " ' r.I
 7
 ~IW" I IW iF?--flU"~ lw - -- I.. - -.. - .'rr I 'I ' 11
 20 9l - ____ _. _.U _' I , - _
 24
 30
 '- " -L_ ' ' ' 4- A-a-.-... . ,a :- , -t.. 35
 45
 ? ).?_ A - - , .- " ....
 49
 53
 m< EU..U .~~- . m
 57
 P .- -- -..-- i.. ..-- .. -- I... -- --
 61
 65
 69
 736 M FEBRUARY,2004
 77
 66 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 Ex.8 Opening of Fantasia Steffan Nau, Breslau 114, no.47
 - ........'W_ uu IW. ..i... . T....I
 ... U1;
 0_) -U U U . . . . .
 12
 46
 ~? ~ n~- .i n~ - J~fr
 51
 IJ / I / i F I I I l , -- F I -- I ~ l I I I I 1 ...l'- l "I f" ~ . -- , I ! I I " .A
 55
 63
 67
 , J.ww- . .. . . . . F 7.... . . .. . --J
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 67
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 ensemble music of the period, there is no suggestion
 of virtuosity or display in the writing. Likewise, the
 variations for violin on Est-ce Mars by Nikolaus
 Bleyer (in fact principally a cornetto player), also
 transmitted in Breslau 114, and the 'Coral' variations
 by William Brade,55 are unique in their surviving
 output, which otherwise consists only of consort
 music. The chance survival of Nau's piece, while
 drawing attention to his capacities, also suggests that
 other violinists by whom only consort music sur-
 vived may well have achieved technical accomplish-
 ments far beyond those required by their surviving
 music. The importance of Nau's fantasia, then, per-
 haps even more than its intrinsic interest and quali-
 ties, considerable though they are, is its indication of
 what was probably a widespread practice of elabo-
 rate, demanding fantasias by violinists in northern
 Europe. This single piece survives as testament to the
 abilities of a generation of violinists, of whose feats
 in the invention of fantasias few other traces remain.
 I am grateful to the many librarians and
 archivists who have guided me through
 their collections and made material
 available to me with endless patience. In
 particular, I thank Aniela Kolbuszewska,
 Marek Romanczuk, Waclaw Sobocinski,
 and Edyta Kotynska of the Biblioteka
 Uniwersytecka, Wroclaw; all the staff
 of the Archiwum Patistwowe we
 Wroclawiu; Dr Helmut Hell, Uwe
 Nawroth and all the librarians and
 staff of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin,
 PreufJische Kulturbesitz, Musik-
 abteilung; and Dr Roman Fischer and
 the staff of the Stadtarchiv, Frankfurt
 am Main. I am also very grateful to
 Neal Zaslaw, Peter Holman and David
 Yearsley, all of whom gave generously of
 their time and expertise in reading and
 commenting on early drafts of this paper.
 I am also most appreciative of Tim
 Crawford's great generosity in sharing
 his knowledge of the Breslau sources
 with me.
 1 On Nau in England, see P. Holman,
 Four and twenty fiddlers: the violin at
 the English court 154o-1690 (Oxford,
 1993), and A biographical dictionary
 ofEnglish court musicians, 1485-1714,
 ed. A. Ashbee et al. (Aldershot, 1998).
 2 On the early history of the violin,
 see Holman, Four and twenty fiddlers,
 pp.1-31.
 3 On the distinction between florid-
 improvisatory and contrapuntal-
 imitative lute fantasias and ricercars,see The lute music of Francesco Canova
 da Milano (1497-1543), ed. A. J. Ness
 (Cambridge, MA, 1970). On the idea
 of the fantasia, see R. M. Murphy,
 Fantasia and ricercare in the sixteenth
 century (PhD diss., Yale U, 1954); P.
 Schleuning, The fantasia, I: 16th to 18th
 centuries, trans. A. C. Howie (Cologne,
 1971); H. C. Slim, The keyboard ricercar
 and fantasia in Italy, c.1500-1550 (PhD
 diss., Harvard U, 1961); G. Strahle,
 Fantasy and music in sixteenth- and
 seventeenth-century England (PhD diss.,
 U of Adelaide, 1987); D. Teepe, Die
 Entwicklung der Fantasie fur Tastenin-
 strumente im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert:
 eine gattungsgechichtliche Studie, Kieler
 Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft, xxxvi
 (Kassel, 1990o).
 4 On French dancing masters at
 James's court, see Holman, Four and
 twenty fiddlers, pp.175-81.
 5 G. Pietzsch, Quellen und Forschungen
 zur Geschichte der Musik am kurpftilz-
 ischen Hof zu Heidelberg bis 1622
 (Mainz, 1963), P159, claims that the
 princess in question can only have
 been one of Friedrich's sisters. The title
 'Prinzessin' was, however, still used for
 Elizabeth after her marriage.
 6 Bouwsteenen: Derde
 ]aarboek der Vereeniging voor Noord-
 Nederlands Muziekgeschiedenis,
 1874-1881. See Eitner for the transcrip-
 tion of the entry from Bouwsteenen,
 but without the age, 30.
 7 0. Kape, Die Geschichte der wissen-
 schaftlichen Bibliotheken in Breslau in
 der Zeit von 1945 bis 1955: unter beson-
 derer Beriicksichtigung der Universitiits-
 bibliothek (St Katharinen, 1993), P.7.
 8 For catalogues of the prints and
 manuscripts in Breslau, see E. Bohn,
 Bibliographie der Musikdruckwerke bis
 1700oo, welche in der Stadtbibliothek, der
 Bibliothek des Academischen Instituts
 fiir Kirchenmusik und der Kaniglichen
 und Universitatsbibliothek zu Breslau
 aufbewahrt werden (Berlin, 1883); E.
 Bohn, Die musikalischen Handschriften
 des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts in der
 Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau (Breslau,
 1890). Bohn made the extraordinary
 error of reading Nau's name as Hau.
 This reading was taken over by Eitner
 (and other subsequent writers), who
 therefore has two lexicon entries, one
 for 'Hau' and one for Nau. For a sum-
 mary of the manuscript catalogue, see
 R. Charteris, Newly discovered music
 manuscripts from the private collection
 ofEmil Bohn, ed. U. Guinther, Musico-
 logical Studies and Documents, liii
 (Holzgerlingen, 1999). A few 17th-
 century manuscripts now in the music
 department of the university library,
 Wroclaw, almost certainly once formed
 part of the same collection but were
 never catalogued by Bohn. A number
 of printed books from the collection,
 not in Bohn's catalogue, were in his
 private possession, with the Breslau
 library stamps cut out (personal com-
 munication from Marek Romanczuk
 of the Biblioteka Uniwersytecka,
 Wroclaw). They are now present and
 catalogued in the Wroclaw university
 library.
 68 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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 9 Bleyer is described as a 'Violista' in
 the manuscript, and his set of varia-
 tions in Breslau 114 is clearly for violin,
 though documentary and archival
 evidence in Biickeburg and LEibeck
 shows that his principal instrument
 was cornetto. See, for example,
 W. Braun, 'Musik am Hofe des
 Grafen Anton Ginther von Oldenburg
 1603-1667', Oldenburger Balkenschild,
 xviii-xx (1963), p.lo; A. Laakmann,
 '... nur allein aus Liebe der musica'-
 die Biickeburger Hofmusik zur Zeit des
 Grafen Ernst III zu Holstein-Schaum-
 burg als Beispiel hifischer Musikpflege
 im Gebiet der 'Weserrenaissance', ed.
 K. Hortschansky, Musik in Westfalen,
 iv (Mtinster, 2000); J. Mattheson,
 Grundlage einer Ehren-Pforte (Ham-
 burg, 174o; R/Kassel, 1969); J. Moller,
 Cimbria literata, sive scriptorum duca-
 tus utriusque Slesvicensis et Hosatici,
 quibus et alii vicini quidam accensentur,
 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1744); C. Stiehl,
 Libeckisches Tonkiinstlerlexikon
 (Leipzig, 1887).
 to There appears to be no record of a
 viol player or organist Gartner in the
 Stadtarchiv Ntirnberg. Gartner, a
 common name in Nuremberg, was the
 name of a family of Nuremberg artists
 in the 16th and 17th centuries. There is
 no musician Gartner in M. H. Grieb,
 'Ntirnberger Ktinstlexikon mit Kunst-
 handwerkern, Gelehrten, Sammlern,
 Kunstfreunden und kulturellen Ein-
 richtungen vom 12. bis Mitte des 20.
 Jahrhunderts', (2001) in the Stadt-
 archiv Ntirnberg, whose music entries
 rely heavily on the archival work of
 Franz Krautwurst. On Gairtners else-
 where, see C. Sachs, Musikgeschichte
 der Stadt Berlin bis zum Jahre 18oo00
 (Berlin, 1908); E. F. Schmid, Musik
 an den schwiabischen Zollernhifen der
 Renaissance (Kassel, 1962), pp.343-46;
 M. Ruhnke, Die Wolfenbitteler Hof-
 musik im 16. ]ahrhundert, Beitrige zu
 einer Geschichte der deutschen Hof-
 musikkollegien im 16. Jahrhundert 1
 (Berlin, 1963); E. Zulauf, Beitriige zur
 Geschichte der Landgriflich-Hessischen
 Hofkapelle zu Cassel bis auf die Zeit
 Moritz des Gelehrten (Kassel, 1902),
 PP.43-4. 'Evert Gartner mit der Laute
 und Tenor-Geige' was included in
 Thomas Selle's 1642 list of Hamburg
 musicians; see K. Stephenson, Johann
 Schop: sein Leben und Wirken (PhD
 diss., U of Halle, 1924), p.18.
 11 On, for example, the Nuremberg
 composer Christoph Buel working in
 Heidelberg, see Pietzsch, Quellen und
 Forschungen zur Geschichte der Musik
 am kurpfiilzischen Hofzu Heidelberg.
 12 There was an organist Gregor (or
 Georg) Beck in Breslau, but his signa-
 ture does not match that on Ms.113. See
 Archiwum Paristwowe we Wroclawiu,
 565. Akta miasta Wroclawiu P.31,
 Stipendiaten Rechnungsbuch 1558-
 1668, ff.178v-179r; and Archiwum
 Paristwowe we Wroclawiu, 726
 Parafia Ewangelicka Sw. Elzbiety we
 Wroclawiu no.92, Amstfihrung der
 Geistlichen bei St. Elisabet.
 13 Frankfurt Stadtarchiv, Raths-
 supplicationen 1627, vol.2, ff.25-6,
 io April 1627.
 14 Frankfurt Stadtarchiv Raths-
 supplicationen 1626, vol.1, ff.382, 385;
 1631, vol.3 ff., 54-5, 144-5; 1632, vol.1,
 ff.92-3, 267-70; 1632, vol.2 ff., 151, 156;
 1633, vol.lff., 88-9; 1633, vol.2, ff.16-17;
 1634, vol.3ff., 262-3. For some material
 on Beck, see P. Epstein, 'Die Frank-
 furter Kapellmusik zur Zeit J. A.
 Herbst's', Archiv fir Musikwissenschaft,
 vi (1924), pp.68, 73. For a summary of
 archival documents relating to Beck,
 see B. Brooks, The emergence of the
 violin as a solo instrument in early
 seventeenth-century Germany (PhD
 diss., Cornell U, 2002), pp.281-84.
 15 The record of his marriage on 22
 May 1627 in Frankfurt to Catherina
 Winter describes him as being from
 Haguenau (Frankfurt Stadtarchiv,
 Traubticher). However, a Johann
 Georg Beck from Rothenburg am
 Neckar, not far from Haguenau,
 matriculated at the University of
 Freiburg im Briesgau in 1604. See Die
 Matrikel der Universitiit Freiburg im
 Briesgau von 1460-1656, ed. H. Mayer
 (Freiburg im Briesgau, 1907), i, p.722.
 16 Hans Hektor published two collec-
 tions of instrumental ensemble music,
 Continuatio exercitii musici (Frankfurt:
 Wust, 1666) and Continuatio exercitii
 musici secunda (Frankfurt: Wust, 1670);
 perhaps then he had something to do
 with Exercitium Musicum (Frankfurt:
 Wust, 1660) = 1660o5, though the title-
 page gives the compiler as 'N.B.N.'
 17 Epstein's surmise that Beck arrived
 in Frankfurt in 1627 is incorrect: there
 are archival references to Beck in
 Frankfurt from 1626.
 18 Frankfurt Stadtarchiv Rats-
 supplicationen 1626, vol.1, ff.382, 385.
 19 Frankfurt Stadtarchiv Almosen-
 kasten Akt 559.
 20 C. Valentin, Geschichte der Musik
 in Frankfurt am Main vom Anfange
 des XIV bis zum Anfange des XVIII
 Jahrhunderts (Frankfurt, 1906), p.266.
 21 The inventory did not survive the
 war, but the musical items were copied
 in P. Epstein, Das Musikwesen der Stadt
 Frankfurt (PhD diss., Breslau U, 1923),
 pp.64-7. Epstein's list was reproducedin O. Kraneis, Der Musikalienhandel in
 Frankfurt am Main von seinem Anfian-
 gen bis zur Jahr 1700oo (PhD diss., 1974),
 PP.41-5. For a transcription from
 Epstein, together with the possible
 identification of the various items, see
 Brooks, 'The emergence of the violin as
 a solo instrument in early seventeenth-
 century Germany', pp.265-81.
 22 The piece by Scheidt, 'Echo', is
 from his Pars secunda tabulaturae
 (Hamburg: Hering, 1624).
 23 The exemplar of the secunda vox
 partbook of the 1628 print in the
 British Library has sustained some
 water damage, but the identity of the
 inscriptions in print and manuscript
 is clear.
 24 Bohn identifies most of the manu-
 scripts in Sartorius's hand with the
 letters D.S., with only a reference to an
 'old catalogue' in the Breslau library by
 way of a source. His identification has
 been uncritically adopted by all sub-
 sequent scholarship dealing with the
 collection. I have been able to confirm
 this identification, however. A manu-
 script volume in Latin shares a hand
 with these music manuscripts; it is a
 copy of the magnum opus of the Jesuit
 Jacobus Pontanus (1541-1626), Progym-
 nasmatum latinitatis, sive dialogorum.
 Volumen primum ... de rebus litterarii.
 Volume secundum ... de morum perfec-
 tione. Volumen tertium pars prior ...
 pars posterior ... de variis rerum gener-
 ibus (Augsburg, 1588-94). The copy is
 identified as being in Sartorius's hand
 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004 69
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 in the card catalogue and on the
 (recent) binding, but not by the scribe
 himself. However, a 1722 St Elisabeth
 librarian's memorandum records the
 receipt of the volume thus: '11 Juli hat
 Herr M. Mauritius Castens, Wrat. SS.
 Ministerii Candidatus verehret: Jacobi
 Pontani Progymnasmata Dialogus
 Sacros et Profanos, in 2 Bande in 4to
 eingebunden welche Herr Dan. Sarto-
 rius Collega Primarius im Gymnasio zu
 S. Elisabeth in seiner Jugend, auf dem
 Gymnasio studierend, in den Jahren
 1628. 1629. 1630 mit eigner Hand sehr
 zart und sauber abgeschrieben' (Biblio-
 teka Uniwersytecka, Wroclaw, Oddzial
 Rekopisow Akc 1949/657 'Pro memoria
 die der Elisabetanischen Bibliothec
 gemachten Verehrungen betreffend'
 f.12v).
 25 The Breslau school accounts record
 payments to Sartorius from 1647, but
 he only began to draw his regular
 salary in 1648. From 1648 to 1666 (the
 last year of surviving accounts during
 Sartorius's lifetime) he was on the
 lowest or next to lowest pay scale at
 the Gymnasium, but beginning in 1647
 he collected a regular payment 'wegen
 der Schreibstunde'. See Archiwum
 Paristwowe we Wroclawiu, Akta miasta
 Wroclawiu P.124, 'Schulen Ambts
 Rechnungen'; Archiwum Paristwowe
 we Wroclawiu, Akta miasta Wroclawiu
 P.124, 'Schulen Ambts Rechnungen.'
 Martin Hanke, Martini Hankii Vrati-
 slaviensis eruditiones propagatores: id
 est, Vratislaviensium scholarum pre-
 sides, inspectores, rectores, professores,
 prceceptores (Leipzig: Bauch, 1701),
 PP.33, 35, 39. For the 1651 commemora-
 tion, see Prwesides scholarum vrati-
 slaviensium [5 June 1651] (Breslau: Bau-
 mann, 1651), Biblioteka Uniwersytecka,
 Wroclaw, Yu 770; for the funeral
 oration, see Cl. viri, Danielis Sartorii,
 philologi acutissimi, de juventute in
 gymnasio vratislaviensium Eliszbetano
 bene meriti, memorice sacra epicedia,
 Breslau: Baumann, 1671, Biblioteka
 Uniwersytecka, Wroclaw, Oddzial
 starych drukow (old prints depart-
 ment) 549007.
 26 This is based on an inspection of
 the Breslau manuscript papers where
 the binding did not impede the view of
 the watermark.
 27 Breslau 114 was apparently
 unknown to Wasiliewski in 1868; see J.
 von Wasielewski, Die Violine und ihre
 Meister (Leipzig, 5/1919). Beckmann
 discussed it briefly and transcribed
 a few of the items; see G. Beckmann,
 Das Violinspiel in Deutschland vor 17oo00
 (Leipzig, 1918). Those to whom it
 seemed lost include R. Aschmann, Das
 deutsche polyphone Violinspiel im 17.
 Jahrhundert (Zurich, 1962), and D. D.
 Boyden, The history of violin playing
 from its origins to 1761 and its relation-
 ship to the violin and violin music
 (Oxford, 1965).
 28 Kape, Die Geschichte der wissen-
 schaftlichen Bibliotheken in Breslau
 in der Zeit von 1945 bis 1955: unter
 besonderer Beriicksichtigung der
 Universitaitsbibliothek, pp.n1, 96-8; A. Kolbuszewska, 'Historische Grund-
 lagen der Musiksammlungen in der
 Universitatsbibliothek zu Breslau',
 Die Musik der Deutschen im Osten und
 ihre Wechselwirkung mit den Nachbarn,
 Deutsche Musik im Osten, vi (Bonn,
 1994), pp.296-7, 301.
 29 According to a list of manuscripts
 in Berlin made in the 1990os and sent to
 Wroclaw in 1997, they arrived in Berlin
 from Moscow (personal communica-
 tion from Aniela Kolbuszewska of the
 Biblioteka Uniwersytecka, Wroclaw), a
 fact confirmed by Uwe Nawroth of the
 Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Preuf3ische
 Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung.
 30 For evidence of transfers from the
 Soviet Union to East Germany between
 1955 and 1959, see Die Trophien-
 kommissionen der roten Armee:
 ein Dokumentensammlung zur Ver-
 schleppung von Biichern aus deutschen
 Bibliotheken, Zeitschriftfir Bibliotheks-
 wesen und Bibliographie Sonderheft 64,
 ed. K.-D. Lehmann and I. Kolasa
 (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), pp.238-42;
 K. Akinsha, G. Kozlov and S. Hoch-
 field, Beautiful loot: the Soviet plunder
 ofEurope's art treasures [Stolen
 treasure: the hunt for the world's lost
 masterpieces] (New York, 1995),
 pp.192-218 [also (London, 1995),
 pp.189-215]. On the return from the
 Soviet Union to Poland of Polish
 cultural treasures in 1956, see Akinsha,
 Kozlov, and Hochfield, Beautiful loot,
 p.204 (London edn, p.201), J. P.
 Pruszynski, 'Poland: war losses, cul-
 tural heritage, and cultural legitimacy',
 The spoils of war: World War II and
 its aftermath: the loss, reappearance,
 and recovery ofcultural property, ed.
 E. Simpson (New York, 1997), P.52;
 W. Kowalski, 'World War II cultural
 losses of Poland: a historical issue or
 still a 'hot' political and legal topic?',
 The spoils of war: World War II and its
 aftermath: the loss, reappearance, and
 recovery of cultural property, ed. E.
 Simpson (New York, 1997), p.236. See
 also N. Lewis, Paperchase: Mozart,
 Beethoven, Bach-the search for their
 lost music (London, 1983), p.lo3.
 31 I have been unable to confirm the
 date of 1957 given by Charteris, Newly
 discovered music manuscripts from the
 private collection ofEmil Bohn, p.13.
 32 For this to be true, the Soviets and
 Germans would have had to have
 known about the presence of valuable
 German material in Poland, a fact that
 was not officially acknowledged until
 the late 1970s, though it was widely
 rumoured long before. See Lewis,
 Paperchase.
 33 Charteris, Newly discovered music
 manuscripts from the private collection
 ofEmil Bohn, p.14, though I have so
 far been unable to confirm this.
 34 A few are, for unknown reasons,
 in the Wroclaw university library,
 and some are missing, perhaps still
 in Moscow.
 35 In view of their stylistic similarity,
 and the predominance of the term
 'fantasia', I will refer to all of these
 as fantasias.
 36 Tomas de Sancta Maria, Libro
 llamado arte de taner fantasia
 (Valladolid, 1565); Juan Bermudo,
 El libro llamado declaracion de
 instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555).
 37 On the relationship between
 intabulations and fantasias, and the
 problems in distinguishing between
 them, see H. M. Brown, 'Emulation,
 competition, and homage: imitation
 and theories of imitation in the Renais-
 sance', Journal of the American Musico-
 logical Society, xxxv (1982); S. Court,
 Giovanni Antonio Terzi and the lute
 intabulations of late sixteenth-century
 70 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
This content downloaded from 
������������143.107.252.165 on Mon, 26 Apr 2021 13:24:08 UTC������������ 
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/termsItaly (PhD diss., U of Otago, 1988),
 pp.285-321; S. Court, 'Giovanni
 Antonio Terzi's Venetian lute books:
 fantasia, intabulation and the lute in
 ensemble', The Lute Society journal, xl
 (2000); L. Lockwood, 'On "parody"
 as term and concept in 16th-century
 music', Aspects of medieval and Renais-
 sance music: a birthday offering to
 Gustav Reese, ed. J. LaRue (New York,
 1966); J. Ward, 'Parody technique in
 16th-century instrumental music', The
 commonwealth of music: in honor of
 Curt Sachs, ed. G. Reese and R. Brandel
 (New York, 1965); J. Ward, 'The use of
 borrowed material in 16th-century
 instrumental music', Journal of the
 American Musicological Society, v
 (1952); E. A. Arias,'Cab6zon's Ave
 Maria-parody, arrangement or fanta-
 sia', Revista de musicologia, xv (1992);
 R. Judd, 'Cabbzon, Malheur me bat,
 and the process of musical reference',
 Journal of the Lute Society ofAmerica,
 xxiii (1990o); J. E. Kreider, 'The key-
 board parody canzonas by Giovanni
 Cavaccio in Sudori musicali (Venice,
 1626)', Musica disciplina, xxxiii (1979);
 P. Martell, 'Parody versus paraphrase
 in G. P. Paladino's fantasia on "Alcun
 no puo saper"', Journal of the lute soci-
 ety ofAmerica, xix (1986); S. Mengozzi,
 'Vocal themes and improvisation in
 Alberto da Ripa's lute fantasias', Le
 concert des voix et des instruments h la
 renaissance: actes du xxxive colloque
 international d'itudes humanistes,
 Tours, Centre d'Etudes Supirieures de la
 Renaissance, 1-11 juillet 1991, ed. J.-M.
 Vaccaro (Paris, 1995); S. Mengozzi, '"Is
 this fantasia a parody?": vocal models
 in free compositions of Francesco da
 Milano', Journal of the Lute Society of
 America, xxiii (1990); J.-M. Vaccaro,
 'The fantasia sopra ... in the works of
 Jean-Paul Paladiin', Journal of the Lute
 Society ofAmerica, xxiii (1990o).
 38 Sylvestro Ganassi dal Fontego,
 Regola Rubertina: regola che insegna
 sonar de viola d'archo tastada (Venice,
 1542), and Lettione seconda pur della
 prattica di sonare il violone d'arco da
 tasti (Venice, 1543); Diego Ortiz, De
 Diego Ortiz tolledano ... trattado de
 glosas sobre clausulas y otros generos de
 puntos, libro segundo (Rome: Dorico,
 1553); Giovanni Bassano, Ricercate,
 passaggi et cadentie per potersi essercitar
 nel diminuir (Venice: Vincenti, 1585).
 II dolcimelo d'Aurelio Virgiliano dove
 si contengono variati passaggi e diminu-
 tioni cosi per voci, come per tutte sorte
 d'instrumenti I-Bc C.33.
 39 Ganassi, Lettione secunda.
 4o Virgiliano's ricercar 13 is a set of
 diminutions on Vestiva i colli. Melodic
 material from Ung ghai bergier appears
 in ricercar 1, and ricercar 12 bears a
 clear resemblance to Andrea Gabrieli's
 8-voice ricercar (Venice, 1587), which
 itself borrows material from the
 anonymous chanson Or sus. See V.
 Guttmann,'I1 dolcimelo von Aureliano
 Virgiliano', Basler Studien zur Interpre-
 tation der alten Musik, ed. W. Arlt and
 V. Guttmann (Winterthur, 1980).
 41 Giovanni Bassano, Motetti,
 madrigali, et canzonifrancese
 (Venice, Vincenti, 1591).
 42 On the diminution treatises, see
 H. M. Brown, Embellishing sixteenth-
 century music, ed. J. M. Thompson,
 (Oxford, 1976); S. Carter, 'Francesco
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 Rognoni's Selva de varii passaggi, 1620:
 fresh details concerning early-Baroque
 vocal ornamentation', Performance
 practice review, ii (1989); Italienische
 Diminutionen: die zwischen 1553 und
 1638 mehrmals bearbeiteten Siitze,
 Prattica musicale 1, ed. R. Erig and V.
 Gutmann (Zurich, 1979); E. T. Ferand,
 'Didactic embellishment literature in
 the late Renaissance: a survey of
 sources', Aspects of medieval and
 Renaissance music: a birthday offering to
 Gustav Reese, ed. J. La Rue et al. (New
 York, 1966); E. T. Ferand, Die Impro-
 visation in der Musik (Zurich, 1938);
 E. T. Ferand, 'Die motetti, madrigali,
 et canzoni francese ... diminuiti ... des
 Giovanni Bassano (1591)', Festschrift
 Helmuth Osthoff zum 65. Geburstag, ed.
 L. Hoffmann-Erbrecht and H. Hucke
 (Tutzing, 1961); I. Horsley, 'Improvised
 embellishment in the performance
 of Renaissance polyphonic music',
 Journal of the American Musicological
 Society, iv (1951); I. Horsley, 'The solo
 ricercar in diminution manuals: new
 light on early wind and string tech-
 niques', Acta musicologica, xxxiii (1961);
 M. Kuhn, Die Verzierungs-Kunst in der
 Gesangmusik des 16.-17. Jahrhunderts
 (1535-1650) (Leipzig, 1902), pp.5-22;
 and the introductions to the many
 modern editions.
 43 On Bonfante and violinists in
 Venice, see E. Selfridge-Field, Venetian
 instrumental music from Gabrieli to
 Vivaldi (Oxford, 1975), p.336.
 44 There is even a similarity, for exam-
 ple, between the opening motives of
 Breslau 114 ricercar no.13 and Ricercar
 prima from Giacques Buus, Secondo
 libro di recercari (Venice, 1549); of
 Breslau fantasia no.14 and Canzona
 sesta, la Cazzaga from Pietro Lappi,
 Canzoni da suonare (Venice, 1616); and
 of Breslau fantasia no.25 and Simone
 Molinaro, Intavolatura di liuto, libro
 primo (Venice, 1599), no.6, and
 Emanuel Adriansen, Praeludium
 secundi toni, from Novum pratum
 musicum (Antwerp, 1592).
 45 The last crotchet of bar 3 should
 surely be e' and a' so that the lower
 voice correctly imitates the opening
 point, yet the source gives e' and c'. It is
 also probably corrupt at bar 19, and,
 though changing the two lower notes
 to g' and f' makes sense, it is quite pos-
 sible to continue with a third imitative
 entry in double stops at this point (see
 ex.9).
 46 See J. O. Rudin, 'Per Brahe's
 lute book', Svensk tidskrift f6r musik-
 forskning, lix (1977), p.62. The figura-
 tion occurs in at least one viol source,
 a prelude in GB-Cu Ms.Dd 5.20, f.31:
 no.251 in G. Dodd, Thematic index of
 music for viols (London, 1980-).
 47 Michael Praetorius, Polyhymnia
 Caduceatrix & Panegyrica (Wolfen-
 btittel: Holwein, 1619). For this idea,
 see Beckmann, Das Violinspiel in
 Deutschland vor 1700oo, p.32.
 48 On the 'Zimbel' and 'Zimbelstern'
 organ stops, see P. Dirksen, The key-
 board music of Jan Pieterszoon Sweelick:
 its style, significance and influence (n.p.,
 1997), pp.626-7, P.37; and P. Williams,
 The European organ, 1450-1850
 (Bloomington, 1966), p.298.
 49 For a study of these volumes, see
 J. E. Sawyer, An anthology of lyra viol
 music in Oxford, Bodleian Library
 Manuscripts Music School d245-7 (PhD
 diss., U of Toronto, 1972). On their
 relationship to Prince Henry, see Hol-
 man, Four and twenty fiddlers, p.207.
 50 For contents of the Merro manu-
 scripts, see C. Monson, Voice and viols
 in England, 1600oo-1650: the sources and
 the music (Ann Arbor, 1982).
 51 On Notari, the Lupos, the Bassanos,
 and other Italian musicians in England,
 see Holman, Four and twenty fiddlers.
 52 Both scribes seem tohave made
 similar errors in bars 3 and 19.
 53 See Holman, Four and twenty
 fiddlers, p.280; P. Holman, 'Thomas
 Baltzar (?1631-1663), the incomparable
 Lubicer on the violin', Chelys, xiii
 (1984), PP.14-15, 26-9.
 54 Bleyer was sworn into the service
 of Count Ernst on 24 April 1615, and
 stayed until his move to Ltibeck in 1621:
 Laakmann, '... nur allein aus Liebe der
 musica', p.3o4; J. Hennings, Musik-
 geschichte Liibecks, i: Weltliche Musik
 (Kassel, 1951), p.83.
 55 S Uu imhs 1:10o. It is not possible to
 confirm the attribution in the copy
 that dates from nearly 40 years after
 Brade's death. The piece is a set of
 variations over a ground, rather than
 on a chorale tune. For a discussion of
 the relationship of the ground to
 other common grounds, and of other
 versions of this tune and ground, see
 Brooks, 'The emergence of the violin as
 a solo instrument in early seventeenth-
 century Germany' pp.23o-37.
 Ex.9 Fantasia, Breslau 114, no.11, bars 16-19, with suggested third imitative entry in diamond-headed notes
 72 EARLY MUSIC F RUARY 20 04
 72 EARLY MUSIC FEBRUARY 2004
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	Contents
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	Issue Table of Contents
	Early Music, Vol. 32, No. 1 (Feb., 2004), pp. i-ii+1-174
	Front Matter [pp. i-73]
	Editorial [p. 1]
	The Sound Orchestras Make [pp. 2-5]
	Once Again: Reflections on Beethoven's Tied-Note Notation [pp. 7-25]
	'Sonade, que me veux tu?': Reconstructing French Identity in the Wake of Corelli's Op.5 [pp. 27-47]
	Étienne Nau, Breslau 114 and the Early 17th-Century Solo Violin Fantasia [pp. 49-72]
	Theatre, Dance and Music in Late Cinquecento Milan [pp. 74-84+86-88+91-92+95]
	Orlando di Lasso's 'Fireworks' Music [pp. 96-116]
	Musical Entrepreneurship in 15th-Century Europe [pp. 119-133]
	Book Reviews
	Review: Instrumentalized Insights [pp. 135-138]
	Review: The Galant Era Clarified [pp. 138-139]
	Review: Music in Renaissance Italy [p. 140]
	Review: Pierre de la Rue, International Man of Mystery [pp. 143-144]
	Review: All about the Orchestra [pp. 147-148]
	Review: Fernando Sor, Composer-Guitarist [pp. 148-149]
	Music Reviews
	Review: Serenades and Sammartini [pp. 151-153]
	Review: From Provincial Cathedral to Chapel Royal [pp. 154-155]
	Review: There Is Nothing like the Dame [pp. 156-157]
	Recording Reviews
	Review: Beyond Josquin [pp. 159-160+163-165]
	Review: Gombert, Rore, Gabrieli [pp. 165-167]
	Review: Caribbean Splendour [pp. 167-168]
	Review: This Beauteous Wicked Disc [pp. 169-170]
	Report
	FIMTE Symposium [p. 172]
	Back Matter [pp. 85-174]