Visic (2018) Gender_and_migration_re-visited_Production_of_know

Prévia do material em texto

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324799422
Gender and migration re-visited: Production of knowledge and feminism (in)
between semi-periphery and the core
Article  in  Sociologija · January 2018
DOI: 10.2298/SOC1801255V
CITATIONS
2
READS
131
2 authors:
Tanja Visic
Universität Erfurt
1 PUBLICATION   2 CITATIONS   
SEE PROFILE
Dunja Poleti-Cosic
University of Belgrade
3 PUBLICATIONS   3 CITATIONS   
SEE PROFILE
All content following this page was uploaded by Dunja Poleti-Cosic on 20 July 2018.
The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324799422_Gender_and_migration_re-visited_Production_of_knowledge_and_feminism_in_between_semi-periphery_and_the_core?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_2&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324799422_Gender_and_migration_re-visited_Production_of_knowledge_and_feminism_in_between_semi-periphery_and_the_core?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_3&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_1&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tanja_Visic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_4&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tanja_Visic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_5&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Universitaet_Erfurt?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_6&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Tanja_Visic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_7&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Dunja_Poleti-Cosic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_4&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Dunja_Poleti-Cosic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_5&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/institution/University_of_Belgrade?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_6&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Dunja_Poleti-Cosic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_7&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Dunja_Poleti-Cosic?enrichId=rgreq-040cc4476cfa40689a216a36d6a19f96-XXX&enrichSource=Y292ZXJQYWdlOzMyNDc5OTQyMjtBUzo2NTA0MzE0MzI3Nzc3MjlAMTUzMjA4NjM0NjUxMQ%3D%3D&el=1_x_10&_esc=publicationCoverPdf
Tanja Višić1 Original scientific paper
Max Weber Center for Advanced Cultural and UDK 305:314.7.001
Social Studies, Erfurt, Germany 141.72:314.7
Dunja Poleti Ćosić2 Received: 14.02.2018
University of Belgrade, DOI: https://doi.org/10.2298/SOC1801255V
Faculty of Philosophy
GENDER AND MIGRATION REVISITED: 
PRODUCTION OF KNOWLEDGE AND FEMINISM 
IN BETWEEN SEMIPERIPHERY AND THE CORE
Preispitivanje roda i migracija: proizvodnja znanja i 
feminizma između poluperiferije i centra
ABSTRACT Whilst often adopting a feminist perspective, the literature on gender 
and migration has often neglected to consider the production of knowledge from 
this point of view. It has left unarticulated the assumptions and concerns about 
gender and gender relations that underpin scientific knowledge claims about 
female migration. The aim of the paper is to problematize the dominant paradigms 
in contemporary studies and how these paradigms manifest the tension between 
knowledge produced in the core countries and those produced in the semi-
periphery. In doing this, we offer a critical review of the broader field of feminist 
migration studies using the concept of “gender knowledge” in order to identify some 
of the omissions and neglected topics in the field of migration studies – such as a 
de-emphasis on gender and sexuality, or on the intersectional interplay of gender 
with other dimensions of inequality, an over-focus on quantitative approaches, 
and a neglect to consider migrants’ agency which comes as a result of unexamined 
methodological nationalism and methodological sexism. The paper shows the 
importance of the geographical, political, social and cultural contextualisation of 
the production of knowledge and the relevance of problematizing the connection 
between knowledge drawn from the semi-periphery and that drawn from the 
core. The paper does this through a discussion of particular cases of migration for 
domestic and care work and the development of gender-focussed approaches to 
migration studies in Serbia.
KEY WORDS: migration, gender knowledge, semi-periphery, Serbia
APSTRAKT Iako se često naučni radovi o rodu i migracijama odlikuju feminističkom 
perspektivom, oni retko razmatraju proizvodnju znanja i čine jasnim koje su to 
1 tanja.visic@uni-erfurt.de
2 dunja.poleti@gmail.com
256 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
tačno pretpostavke o rodu i rodnim odnosima koje podstiču naučne tvrdnje o 
migracijama žena. Cilj ovog rada jeste da problematizuje dom inantne paradigme 
u savremenim studijama o migracijama i da preispita kako ove paradigme 
ispoljavaju napetosti između znanja proizvedenog u centru i na poluperiferiji. 
Da bismo to postigle, kritički pristupamo pregledu postojećih feminističkih 
studija o migracijama koristeći pojam “rodno utemeljeno znanje” pomoću kojeg 
identifikujemo neke propuste u dosadašnjim studijama o migracijama, na primer, 
nedovoljno pridavanje značaja temama roda i seksualnosti, ignorisanje međusobne 
isprepletanosti roda sa drugim dimenzijama nejednakosti, često fokusiranje 
na kvantitativne pristupe, zanemarivanje dejstvenosti migranata kao rezultat 
metodološkog nacionalizma i metodološkog seksizma. U radu je prikazan značaj 
geografske, političke, socijalne i kulturne kontekstualizacije proizvodnje znanja i 
relevantnost problematizovanja veze između znanja nastalog na poluperiferiji i u 
centru, a kroz razmatranje proizvodnje znanja o radnim migracijama u sektoru 
nege i brige i razvoju rodnih pristupa studijama migracija u Srbiji.
KLJUČNE REČI: migracije, rodno utemeljeno znanje, poluperiferija, Srbija
Introduction
The aim of this article is to draw attention to the relationship between 
gender and migration and to trace the long and often arduous history of 
academic efforts to show the simple fact that gender is a constitutive element of 
migrations and spatial mobilities, as well as the other way around. Hence, it also 
considers problems in the production of knowledge which have contributed to 
or hindered, in a variety of ways, understanding of female migration over the last 
several decades.
This contribution gives an account of the ways in which feminism has 
transformed migration and mobility studies, regardless of discipline, while 
discussing the dominant paradigms within contemporary feminist approaches 
to migration studies and how these paradigms manifest in our research. This 
inevitably leads to areconsideration of the relationship between the core and the 
semi-periphery. The intention of this article is to highlight a number of major 
omissions and neglected topics in the field of migration studies – such as a de-
emphasis on gender and sexuality, or on the intersectional interplay of gender 
with other dimensions of inequality, an over-focus on quantitative approaches, 
and a neglect to consider migrants’ agency which comes as a result of unexamined 
methodological nationalism and methodological sexism. In doing this, we offer 
a critical review of the broader field of existing feminist migration studies using 
the concept of gender knowledge in order to identify assumptions and concerns 
about gender and gender relations in these studies.
The paper is organized as follows: introducing the concept of gender 
knowledge in our first section we show how production of knowledge is always 
situated and based upon a specific knowledge about gender but also that the 
theory is deeply connected to the persons who collect data and evidence. In 
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 257
section two, by briefly reviewing feminist critiques of mainstream migration 
theories and highlighting critical advances in migration studies, we address the 
significance of an inductive approach to research, and to the experiences and 
everyday lives of research participants in migration and gender studies. Our 
last two sections – the importance of geographical, political, social and cultural 
contexts for the production of knowledge and the relevance of problematizing 
connections between knowledge from the semi-periphery and that from the 
core, will be discussed through the sections on migration for domestic and care 
work and on the development of migration studies in Serbia.
Towards “Gender Knowledge”: The Feminisation of Migration 
or the Feminisation of Scholarly Discourse on Migration?
In contrast to the gender-insensitivity which still underpins a large number 
of studies on migration, our research perspective begins with the concept of 
“gender knowledge” (Geschlechterwissen), introduced by German sociologists, 
Sünne Andresen and Irene Dölling (2005), which draws on the sociology of 
knowledge and focuses on the construction of gender and gender relations. 
This concept assumes that every form of knowledge (be it everyday knowledge, 
expert knowledge or popular knowledge) is based upon a specific form of 
knowledge about gender. In other words, it is not enough to understand how 
women are represented as migrants, but more importantly to understand what 
assumptions underpin scientific knowledge-claims about female migration. The 
focus on gender knowledge allows us to pay more attention to the articulation of 
different knowledge forms concerning, in this case, the international discourses 
of migration studies. Critical work on gender and migration today should insist 
on examining the processes by which migrants are constructed as gendered 
rather than as universal subjects.
Over the past two decades, there has been a dramatic interest in the 
“feminization of international migration” a trend which has usually been 
associated with an interest in the impact of globalization in recent years and 
with the idea that in the past migrants were normally men. Demographers and 
quantitative social scientists have been slowly bringing the migration of women 
to the foreground as women have become the majority of migrants worldwide. 
More precisely, researchers claimed that the 19th and 20th centuries were an “era 
of mass migration” in which men were the main actors and that the 21st century 
became characterised by the „feminization of migration“ (Castles & Miller, 
1993). Despite these claims, feminist researchers in migration (Donato, Gabaccia 
2015, Morokvasic 2010) have shown that “feminization” is not a completely new 
phenomenon. Feminist historical revisionist studies indicate, for example, that 
half of all the Irish and Jewish immigrants to the United States between 1820 
and 1928 were women (Hsia Diner, 1983). Claims regarding the feminisation 
of migration flows are contested by studies showing that the proportion of 
international female migrants rose by just 2% in the period 1960–2000 from 
46.6% to 48.8% (Zlotnik 2005).
258 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
We must acknowledge that work on the “feminization of migration” during 
the 1980s and 1990s was a useful first step in viewing dynamics of migration 
through the lens of gender, encouraging researchers to look at women as 
autonomous labour migrants and to rethink the causes of feminization and the 
composition of different types of migration. However, we are suggesting here 
that today, after two decades, one should be very careful in labelling any social 
phenomenon in terms of „feminization“ or „masculinization“. The key problem 
is the lack of explanatory power and descriptiveness of these terms. Moreover, 
there is a danger of understanding “feminization” and “masculinization” 
as a perpetuation of traditional dichotomous divisions based on biological 
characteristics. In our view the feminization lens has several issues that can 
affect the production of gender knowledge on female migration.
To begin with, the “discovery” of the “feminization of migration” created 
a framework that was mainly restricted to research surrounding the problems 
experienced by women migrants such as trafficking, exploitative domestic work, 
genital mutilation and forced marriage, and women’s exposure to vulnerabilities 
resulting from their precarious legal status, abusive working conditions, and 
health risks.3 This work thus failed to address the fact that these problems are 
the product of structures that create inequality in different ways for children, 
men and women. An additional weakness is that this approach runs the risk of 
presenting an image of women as victims with limited capabilities to mobilize 
their resources, thereby denying their agency. Instead of seeing the mobility of 
women as a revolutionary development in international migration, researchers 
should be focused on problems of social inequality and look critically at the role 
played by local, national, regional and transnational socio-economic factors in 
creating the need for a women-centric form of human mobility.
Secondly, we have to acknowledge that scholars in different disciplines 
measure feminization differently, using different statistical tools, different 
analytical approaches and different interpretations of quantitative data. As 
Katherine Donato and Donna Gabaccia (2015) showed in their historical analysis 
of migration demographics, some countries send men, some send women and 
others send both, asking why and how the gender composition of migration 
flows change at different times and in response to different circumstances. 
The observation of increased female participation in international migration 
strongly depends on the methodologies and measurement techniques. Mirjana 
Morokvašić (2010) states that when feminization is viewed as a quantitative 
change, it covers large variations due to the degree of development in both the 
sending and receiving country, as well as the development of migration patterns 
themselves.
Feminist critique of migration studies show that males and females migrate 
differently: their motivations and reasons for moving, as well as the channels they 
use to migrate are never identical. For example, over the course of time, broadly 
male migrations eventually resulted in movements that were more gender 
3 United Nations Research Institute for Social Development  Gender equality: striving for 
justice in an unequal world. Geneva: UNRISD; 2005
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 259
balanced because fiancées and wives followed the initial migration of the men. 
Such increases in female migration, the so-called “feminizaton of migration”, 
are a consequence ofmarriage migration and family unifications which some 
authors would refer to as the “masculinization of feminization” (Donato, 
Gabaccia 2015:47). In other words, labour migration that was overwhelmingly 
male preluded predominantly female reunification (Kofman 1999:271). The fact 
that labour migration was viewed as a relevant subject of research whilst women’s 
migration as dependents was not to the same degree, does not prove that men 
were more active, but just that they were more visible. The moment when we 
overcame the dominant idea of male guest-worker migration as the only or the 
most important one, female movements received well-deserved attention.
These few arguments have convinced us that instead of the feminization 
of migration it would be more correct to use the term “gender transition” 
(Morokvašić, 2010: 45). Or more precisely, as Gabaccia and Zanoni (2012) 
have suggested, more research is needed to examine the timing and causes of 
transitions—from male-dominated to gender-balanced flows—in international 
migrant gender ratios.
The obsession with the feminization of migration took place due to an 
number of factors including gaps in the empirical evidence, the popularity of 
positivist quantitative approaches which often failed to contextualize the data and 
the way in which “migrant” is defined in terms of creating complex categories of 
migrants in regard to their different motivations and intentions.
The main reason for the increasing academic interest in gendered aspects of 
migration which have contributed to the perception that there is an increasing 
feminisation of migration relate, primarily, to changes in the politics and research 
agendas of research institutions, universities and international organizations. 
These, we propose, collectively encouraged a movement to the feminisation 
of the “migratory discourse” (Oso and Garson 2005). Feminist researchers 
have additionally suggested that perceptions of gender bias were a product of 
the absence of female researchers in the field, arguing that theory building is 
never dissociated from the persons collecting data and evidence. In other words, 
knowledge production should never be separated from social structures, relations 
and processes of scholarly inquiry. The way scholars understand relations 
between sex, gender and migration greatly affects scholarly work and its results.
Gender knowledge in feminist critique 
of migration theories and paradigms in the core
Rather than providing an exhaustive review of the growing conceptual 
repertoire of feminist contributions to migration theories from various disciplines 
(geography, sociology, economics or politics), we focus here on the feminist 
critique of three major paradigms which have dominated (and some of which 
still dominate) studies of migration. We claim that academic reasoning about 
migration is never gender neutral but is informed by particular gender hierarchies 
and the ways in which dominant theories perceive the role of women in migration.
260 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
The neoclassical macro theory of migration dates to the 1930s. According 
to this theory migration is triggered by geographic differences in economic 
opportunities, more precisely differences in supply and demand for labour. 
Corresponding to the neoclassical macro theory is the neoclassical micro 
model/theory, which explains the behaviour of individual migrants. The most 
extreme version of this perspective positions the migrant as a rational economic 
actor driven exclusively by his own interests, comparing his current income to 
potential earnings in other locations or countries. It should be remembered that 
neoclassical economic theories are responsible for the use of formal, idealized 
models and econometric techniques in studies which go on to form the empirical 
basis informing migration policy in institutions such as the World Bank, the 
OECD or the IOM4. Patricia Pessar (1999) argued that in the 1950s and 60s 
neoclassical reasoning about mobility was influenced by the role model of the 
“Western man” or “Homo Economicus”5. The assumptions of this paradigm tend 
to ignore unexpected social structures that shape migration (and non-monetary 
factors such as love, sex, academic opportunities, desire for adventure, etc) so 
that individual calculations seem to be occurring in a historical, political and 
economic vacuum. Circumstances that stimulate push and pull factors are not 
explored but are assumed to emerge from the universal conditions that prevail in 
all societies. Theories, based on macro-structural transformations, or „push-pull 
analysis“, were not able to explain the unpredictable variations between socially 
distinct migratory routes.
A greater emphasis on gender perspectives in the study of migration 
in Europe during the 1980s began with a groundbreaking introduction by 
Mirjana Morokvasić in the first IMR Special Issue “Women and migration” 
which reminded its reading audience that „birds of passage“ can also be women 
(Morokvasić 1984). In this publication Morokvasić questioned the use of men 
as the universal point of reference as well as drawing attention to the invisibility 
of women and their stereotyped representation as dependent figures within the 
production of knowledge about migration. In the wake of this work, it became 
clear that women and men participate in migration equally, but in different 
ways, creating different effects and migration patterns and constructing and 
reconstructing new migration discourses, and that the role of actors in migration 
processes are therefore gender-specific. Gender sensitive research revealed 
the significance of gendered identity in migration processes including the 
importance of gender roles, the division of labour, ideological constructions and 
perceptions of women.
Network theory sees international migration as a cumulative social process 
– networks are composed of interpersonal links between migrants, ex-migrants 
and non-migrants both in the country of origin and in the destination country. 
4 For in-depth critique of neoclassical economic migration theory, see Schwenken,and 
Eberhardt (2008)
5 Feminist economists and social theorists targeted this hegemonic ideal figure of man which 
assumes a preference for higher wages, selfishness, narrow rationality and social isolation and 
depicts as universal a human nature which is linked to certain type of masculinity– white, 
young or middle-aged heterosexual and middle-class. 
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 261
According to this theory social networks increase mobility because they reduce 
the costs and risks of the migration process. Early research on networks was 
driven by two principles. The first was an emphasis on the importance of networks 
(although largely male networks) in encouraging or preventing migration from 
one area to another. The second was the insight that social networks were based 
on solidarity in which gender was completely neglected. Revisionist research has 
shown that social networks can be very controversial resources, which are not 
always shared equally within the family or between spouses. (Mahler and Pessar 
2006: 33). The point is that families and migrant networks are gender-based 
institutions. Feminist critique was grounded on the criticism of family structures, 
aiming to demonstrate that households and families are neither unifying nor 
united, neither generational nor gender-based entities in which there are no 
hierarchies of authority, power and resources. Since the 1990s, research has 
shown that women have their own networks including other women and they 
use these networks in order to migrate and settle in other countries6. However, 
we cannot assume, for example, that women automatically have access to male 
dominant migrant networks, or that women necessarily migrate with the help of 
other women. Instead of assuming women automatically migrate with thehelp 
of other women, it would be more fruitful to look at how women access and 
mobilise social networks during the migration process.
The emergence of the transnational paradigm marked a new era in the 
study of migrations at the end of the 1980s and through into the 1990s. With its 
focus on the international dimension of migration, this perspective has shifted 
the focus from the dominant topic of migrants’ inclusion and settlement within 
new societies, onto the relationships that migrants attain and maintain with their 
country of origin. Migration has thus started to be seen as a multi-level process, 
with new perspectives challenging purely economic and macro-level approaches 
by examining migrant practices and strategies. More-recent approached have 
introduced the importance of social and symbolic capital in migration processes 
(Levitt 2001: 54) and focused on the benefits that migrants have from modern 
means of communication and transportation, the resources and opportunities 
provided by the global market, and on the new social forms, political challenges 
and cultural resources arising from linkages formed between multiple geographic 
locations. The most celebrated contribution of transnationalism to migration 
studies was the questioning of the equivalence between national state and society 
known as “methodological nationalism”, an approach that rejects the national state 
as the only starting point for empirical analysis and call for the denaturalization 
of categories such as nation and space (Basch, Glick Schiller and Szanton Blanc 
1994, Vertovec 2007, Wimmer and Glick Schiller 2003, Pries 2001).
However, the problem of transnationalism is that it does not adequately 
differentiate between migrant groups according to gender, class, race, ethnicity, 
nationality and age-specificity. In her ethnography about Dominician sex 
6 Hondageu-Sotelo 1994 monograph, Gender Transitions: Mexican Experiences of Migration 
has shown that social networks that mediate between migrants are deeply embedded in 
gender ideologies and the redistribution of power: men and women have different networks 
even when they belong to the same families.
262 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
workers, Denise Brennan shows connections between large structural forces 
in the globalized economy and their effects on individuals by examining two 
transnational processes: sex tourism and migration (Brennan 2004). These 
transnational processes and the linkages that result affect individual’s lives 
uneq ually – depending on hierarchies of race, class, citizenship, mobility, 
gender and sexuality. Her work is illuminating because it explores how 
transnational flows are not equally liberating for everyone but instead offer some 
subjects opportunities to enhance their possibilities while contributing to the 
subordination of other, less privileged subjects. As she argues, our task should 
be to explore the ways transnationalism remakes inequalities. The conditions 
for transnational mobility are not always favourable to women and often limit 
them to normative and cultural gender rules. Women’s activities are conditioned 
by a set of legal and cultural provisions based on the governing interpretations 
of gender roles within the country of departure, but also within the country of 
destination. This implies that the narratives and experiences of transnational 
migration vary depending on gender relations, economic opportunities and legal 
opportunities in a country, as well as the extraordinary effect of these factors on 
the lives of individuals.
Another criticism of the transnational approach comes from the debate on 
specific forms of mobility. Pointing to the limitations of transnationalism, such as 
an emphasis on sustainability and the duration of transnational connections over 
time, Mirjana Morokvasic has called for the inclusion of short-term migrations 
such as those from Central and Eastern Europe (Morokvasic 2004). Morokvasic 
emphasizes that the identification of the conditions under which transnational 
practices take place can reveal a wide range of migration types as well as 
highlighting the power differentials between participants in different forms of 
transnational work. Her field research among Polish women in Berlin between 
1991 and 1992 demonstrated, for example, that circular journeys (which can 
include the smuggling of goods, domestic and care work etc.) are a way of life 
which are „settled in mobility“ – far removed from the expected classical pattern 
of migration to and settlement in another country (Morokvasic, 2004).
From Methodological Nationalism to Methodological 
Sexism – Production of Knowledge Between the Core 
and Semi-Periphery
Over the past 20 years there has been a significant increase in the production 
of knowledge within migration and gender studies focused on the intersection 
of feminist theory with domestic work, care, migration, globalization and social 
policies. In this section we attempt to show how the feminization of scholarship 
on women’s migration for care and domestic work produces the knowledge that 
can on the one hand, devalue women’s care work and construct an image of 
the female migrant as a feminine caring subject which is premised on white, 
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 263
Western, middle-class gender norms and which contributes to the construction 
of a premodern non-Western subject. On the other hand, this knowledge created 
in the “core” appears to be universal and cannot be applied in semi-peripheral 
countries without addressing geographical, cultural, political and economic 
contexts. These arguments are based on a more general critique of two main 
concepts in the aforementioned strand of literature, namely global care chains 
(GCC) and care drain (CD).
Global care chains relate to a theoretical concept established by pioneering 
feminist labour scholar Arlie Hochshild (2000) aiming to describe the global 
phenomenon of women migrating to perform care work and social reproductive 
work. Her original work on GCC focuses on care work particularly in the form 
of nannies and live-in caregivers. Although the concept has been criticised and 
expanded since its introduction (Yeats 2004, 2009, Parrenas, 2001, Manalasan 2008, 
Kilkey 2010), here we focus on the original idea of commodified care as a “surplus 
value” that is taken from the migrant workers and their home countries (periphery 
countries) in migration to richer nations (core countries). Hochschild and others 
introduced the economic notions of “care surplus” and “care drain” which are 
grounded in neo-Marxist dependency theories used to explain the mechanisms 
supporting economic inequalities between the global North and the global South. 
From this perspective, GCC are created by importing care from poor to rich 
countries, leading to new care deficits or “care drains” by which migrants as mothers 
and their children become most affected. Parent-employers and their children in 
contrast enjoy the benefits of outsourcing, which are also conceptualized in terms 
of “surplus love”. This perspective expands the notion of economic inequalities 
to inequalities of emotion (Yeates, 2009). Hochschild compares care and love 
provided by third world women with “the nineteenth-century extraction of gold, 
ivory and rubber from the Third world” (Hochild 2004). The “new gold” which is 
extracted at a low cost from the poorer countries by richer ones give us an image 
of a third world woman as a person without any agency and who is necessarily on 
the losing side. Portrayals of the miserable woman who must migrate to ensure 
the economic survival of her family are one-dimensional because women involved 
in the GCC come from a variety of backgrounds and levels of privilege. Viewing 
migrants from one perspective only creates invisible groups who do not fall into this 
category including, for example, women who have advanced educations involving 
medicaland nursing degrees and thus comparatively better skills. This perspective 
therefore gives an overly straightforward description of the globalization of care 
processes. It connotes a simplistic and unilateral dependency between households 
in developing and developed countries.
The second problem with this perspective is that “care chains” do not exist 
everywhere, and there is a danger of generalization. In the context of intra-
European migration in which the sending country is geographically close to the 
country of work, travel costs are affordable and migration laws make it possible 
to cross borders. It is more likely here to encounter “interrupted care chains”, a 
type of care chain typical of former socialist countries such as Poland and Ukraine. 
Moreover, this perspective overlooks how migrant care workers manage to 
combine their own reproductive labour and continuing transnational care. Finally, 
264 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
the original formulation of GCC portrays them as feminine; overlooking care work 
done by men, both paid as well as unpaid (see e.g. Manalansan 2006 for critique).
In our view, the GCC framework should analyse how the globalization of care 
is gendered in multiple ways. GCC should be contextualized both historically and 
geographically. Care chains involve different countries and cultures with different 
culturally specific logics of exchange. More particular criticism should be directed 
to the generalisability of much published research that uncritically applies the 
concept of care chains, especially in the countries of Central Eastern Europe 
and the former Soviet Union (for example, Palenga-Möllenbeck 2013, Lutz, 
Möllenbeck, 2012, Redlova, 2013). Questions related to the globalization of care 
work and the outsourcing of domestic and care work to “migrant women from 
the ‘Global South’” reveal how boundaries between realms where care is taking 
place – such as families as the main caregivers, the market where care services are 
organized, third sector and the state – are blurred, resulting in overlaps and mixed 
forms. Another concept developed by the same author is that of “care drain” – a 
metaphor aiming to characterize women’s labour migration as a loss. The concept 
operates as a female counterpart to “brain drain”. Hochschild points out that care 
and domestic labour migration has added an important dimension to the ways 
in which care is commodified. Care work has in this way, become associated 
with women who, as a result, are exclusively studied as care givers without any 
interest in their professional ambitions or the way in which migration provides 
or reduces opportunities. The legal statuses of these women, their negotiations 
with employers and their responses to exploitation have not been part of the 
picture. Care has been understood as an extension of “motherly love” neglecting 
the consideration of: 1. the involvement of men in reproductive labour; 2. other 
forms of caregiving, such as care for elders or disabled persons; 3. “care gain” 
(Dumitru, 2014, 209) – or the positive outcomes of care work abroad such as a 
change of attitudes towards the family of migrant worker and the development 
of care skills which can show us how care can be learned and improved within 
migration contexts. As Dumitru (ibid) has rightly suggested, constructing 
female migration as “care drain” is dangerous in two ways: one, firstly because it 
describes care as an attribute necessarily attached to specific categories of people 
such as women and mothers and secondly, because it portrays them according 
to their social remit rather than as bearers of knowledge. The “feminization of 
migration” here lays on assumption that women migrate in increasing numbers 
as potential care givers towards receiving countries. While that may be true in 
terms of global structural inequalities, gender inequalities, and the crisis of the 
welfare state, we cannot assume that all female migrants are mothers (and that 
care, nurture, and love are qualities tied to the biological female body) nor that 
struggles regarding care are new or evident in global relations. An exclusive focus 
on the feminine caring subject according to gender can easily fall into the trap of 
accepting gender-role theory, which in turn carries the possibility of leading us 
into a methodological sexism, as Speranta Dumitru has suggested.
Whilst extensive qualitative research on care and domestic work from post-
socialist countries to Western Europe has been conducted, very little is known 
about women migrants’ experiences from the Former Yugoslavia countries within 
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 265
care and domestic sectors. In fact, research into the dynamics and structuring 
effects of gender as well as other dimensions of diversity (e.g. ethnicity, class, 
religion) in the context of migration for domestic work is generally lacking – 
with only a few exceptions from Croatia and Slovenia (for instance, see Loncar 
2013, Hrzenjak, 2014). The latest qualitative research of women’s migration 
experiences that draws upon in-depth interviews, official statistics, state policies 
of employment in Germany and Serbia as well as state migration regulations 
gives insight into increasing levels of circular female migration.7
This new pattern of circular migration for domestic and care work (similar to 
the case of Polish female commuters to post– wall Germany) is facilitated not only 
by the “liberalisation of the visa regime” in Serbia, the ideology of the “flexibilisation 
of labor” in Germany and increased demand for care and domestic workers, but 
also two political processes: the post-war transition in the former Yugoslavia and 
the enlargement of the European Union towards the East and South-West8.
In the light of such citizenship-related complexities, EU migration policies and 
regimes are essential for differentiating who can and who cannot pass the border, 
who can have access to the labour market, who needs an extra work permit, and 
who has no other option than to work irregularly. This perspective opens up new 
interpretative possibilities in research on gendered labour subjectivities, bringing 
up the idea that gender and migration is the point where conflicts around the 
changing nature of labour, gender roles and citizenship are materializing.
By this we mean, for example, breaking the citizen-worker dyad as a 
dichotomy which originates from a unified model linking citizenry to national 
territory. This breaking apart becomes necessary as we witness constant changes 
in the labour markets and transformation of socio-economic processes, both in 
the semi-periphery and the core countries.
Knowledge Production at the Semi-periphery 
– The Case of Serbia
Notwithstanding very vivid and inspiring discussions among feminists at 
the core, migration studies in Serbia can be criticized as “gender-blind” for failing 
to acknowledge the gender selectiveness of migration processes and neglecting 
gender-specific types of mobilities. While a tendency towards the invisibility of 
7 We refer here to ongoing doctoral research project Ethnography of living arrangements, in/
formal work and transnational care: Experiences of domestic and care workers from the former 
Yugoslavia in Germany conducted by Tanja Visic, Ph.D. candidate at the Max Weber Center 
for Advanced Social and Cultural Studies in Erfurt, Germany.
8 The period after the civil war in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s is characterized by the 
possibility of acquiring double citizenship for the refugees (ethnic Serbs) who escaped war 
from Croatia (which is the member of the Eureopean Union). For the women in the research 
mentioned above, possessing a Croatian passport means that they can enjoy the benefits of 
visa free travel to the Schengen zone. The second “undesirable side effect” of the external 
EU borders is the fact that Serbian citizens from northern Serbia can obtain Hungariancitizenship which opens the door to the European Union’s job market as well. The women, 
who live villages in the Banat and Backa (Vojvodina) regions close to Hungarian border, can 
claim their right to Hungarian citizenship on the basis of their Hungarian origins or, more 
commonly, on that of their husbands or ancestors. 
266 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
women in migration studies was present in European academic research until the 
middle of 1980s, from the perspective of Serbian scholars we can say that 35 years 
later there is still an important gap in literature on gendered migration and a lack of 
empirical descriptive work on the gender composition of historical migration flows, 
leaving this aspect of migration significantly under-researched. In this section we 
attempt to show how, in spite of the highly developed feminist tradition in Serbia 
(as evidenced by this volume), women are still not recognized as autonomous 
actors of migration, a situation which could be attributed to unfavourable material 
conditions for performing scientific activity, as well as the general weakness of the 
feminist community in the social sciences (Blagojević, 2009: 97–119).
Generally, the scientific production of knowledge on migrations in 
Serbia is characterised by the slow development of the systematic study of 
this phenomenon, which is a consequence of the semi-peripheral position of 
Serbia in the global (scientific) system. The perspective of the sending country, 
a lack of resources, and the conservatism of the scientific community are very 
important determinants of the acceptance and usage of new findings, which are 
mainly explored within the developed, receiving counties. On the other hand, as 
Blagojević (2009) showed, the semi-periphery cannot simply rely on theoretical 
frameworks created in the core and just “add in” local examples: it would be 
unreasonable to claim that knowledge created at the center would “cover” the 
realities of the semi-periphery. At the semi-periphery, neither a narrow-minded 
refusal of new knowledge produced in the center, nor its implementation without 
critical review itself, can be considered heuristically fruitful. Likewise, at the 
core, close-minded resistance to the concepts developed at the semi-periphery 
are not useful. With this being said, we can differentiate two main features of 
the migration field – that of lagging behind the theoretical, methodological, 
epistemological and empirical discoveries of the core, and at with it an imposed 
duty to copy and apply the paradigms built in the countries of the center (which 
are better suited to immigration than emigration societies)9.
Moreover, the slow development of migration studies in Serbia is also the 
consequence of an insufficient academic institutionalisation of migration studies. 
Besides two institutes that have been studying migrations for many years – the 
Institute of Social Sciences and the Institute of Ethnography SASA, the phenomena 
of migration are still rarely studied by university institutions in Serbia. Work 
on the presence of the topic of migrations in the curricula at universities across 
Serbia from 2015 has clearly shown that “not one university institution analysed 
by us has a systemic, unique, comprehensive studies of the issue of migrations 
in all their forms of manifestation, as well as of the integral findings of all 
consequences (social, political, economic, security, psychological, ecological and 
other) produced by them” (Simić, Živojinović, 2015:40)10.
9 Although these two features may look mutually exclusive at first sight, the lagging behind is 
relevant as it directly influences the promptness to modify the “core paradigms”: only when 
the scholars from semi-periphery deepen the knowledge of dominant concepts, they will 
have the opportunity to adapt these paradigms to the local context by criticizing them. 
10 Since this school year at the University of Belgrade, a new multidisciplinary Masters 
programme – „Studies of migration“ has been introduced. This is the first masters course in 
the region on migration issues.
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 267
Over the past 70 years, firstly as a part of Yugoslavia and then in the post-
socialistic period, Serbia has experienced a great variety of mobility types – 
both internal and international. Following the positivistic approach represented 
through statistical data it can reasonably be suggested that the feminization of 
migration exists in Serbia – for example, the percentage of women in emigrant 
population increased from 40.7% in 1971 (Predojevic Despic, 2010:9) to 46.6% 
in 2011 (Stanković, 2014:33). When we take into consideration only documented 
migration, we can say that even though women in Serbia are not inactive when 
spatial mobility is pursued, the forms of movement in which they are more 
represented than men continue to speak in favour of the fact that traditional 
patterns of mobility have not completely overcome their patriarchal origins 
(Poleti, 2016). In the former Yugoslavia, trends in international migration followed 
the typical pattern of European labour force movements at the time. During 
1970s and 1980s men were seen as the central and main actors of migration – 
they were the ones who had moved to Western Europe to be followed by wives 
and families (Pavlica, 2005). In the 1990s patterns and forms of migration has 
transformed, due to the fact that the largest wave of migration to and from Serbia 
was caused by the wars. The composition of migrant populations changed so as 
to involve the migration of entire families, mostly those without precise plans 
for the future and weak links with the home country (Pavičević, 2004: 132). In 
the period after 2000, and especially after the visa liberalisation which began in 
2009, migrant flows are characterised by their temporary duration, a diversity 
of motives (seeking asylum, studying, employment and family reunion), as 
well as by heterogeneous gender patterns. Although a significant number of 
studies from various disciplines (history, anthropology, sociology, demography, 
geography, literature and linguistics) have been written on this subject, little 
has been done to deepen the understanding of women’s migration, especially to 
explain undocumented and circular forms of mobility.
Numerous studies coming from ex-Yugoslavian scholars have been written 
on the phenomenon of guest-workers, also known as Gastarbeiters. While some 
questioned the influence of work migration on Yugoslav society or measured its 
economic effects (see e.g. Mežnarić, 1985 for literature review), the others have 
attempted to explain the process of acculturation in Western European countries 
from an anthropological perspective (Lukić Krstanović, 1992). It should be 
noted that the first historiographical monograph ever written within the 
boundaries of former Yugoslavia on this topic was published in 2012 (Ivanović, 
2012). In cases where women have been recorded, they have usually been treated 
as secondary migrants and reported as being dependent on their husbands or 
parents, neglecting the analysis of individual trajectories or women’s significant 
contributions to the economic sphere11. The gendered aspect of women in 
migration processes remains unaddressed in the studies mentioned thus-far.
On the other hand, studies devoted to migration practices from the 1990s 
onwards have shown greater awareness of female actors, but still without 
11 The exceptions are the articles by Mirjana Morokvašić on Yugoslav female emigrants in 
France or Germany, like “Jugoslawische Frauen: die Emigration und danach“. 1987. Basel: 
Roter Stern.
268 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
recognition of their agency. In the first waves of refugees’ movements, women 
outnumbered men – they accounted for over two thirds of the adult population 
(Lukić, 2015). Although this gender ratio has become more balanced over time 
(ibid),the problems of female refugees in Serbia, such as unemployment, living 
in poverty, housing, difficulties in realizing the right to education and health care, 
became important research topic especially in action research (Babović, Cvejić, 
Rakić, 2007; Pavlov, Volarević, Petronijević, 2006). Even though the number of 
refugee women has raised the level of interest in female actors within forced 
migrations, the attention dedicated to this theme has been insufficient – „Despite 
these obvious and warning indicators of the vulnerability of women in refugee 
and displacement statuses, it has not been systematically investigated, nor has 
gender perspective been systematically included in the work of organizations and 
institutions dealing with refugee and displaced populations“ (Pavlov, Volarević, 
Petronijević, 2006: 8).
An analysis of contemporary studies in Serbia shows that they focus 
overwhelmingly on positivistic approach within economic (e.g. Marjanovic, 
2015), demographic (e.g. Rašević, 2016), geographic (e.g. Penev, Predojević-
Despić, 2012) or sociological (e.g. Babović, Bobić, 2013) fields of research. Sub 
topics include “brain drain” (e.g. Grečić, 2010); migration and development 
(e.g. Pavlov, Grečič, Petronijević, 2008); identity and cultural conceptualization 
(e.g. Antonijević, 2013; Thematic issue “Guest Workers”, Issues in Ethnology and 
Anthropology. Vol 6, No. 4, 2011); asylum seekers and returnees in relation to 
the Readmission Agreement (e.g. Stojić Mitrović, 2014); migration as a security 
challenge; as well as the mixed migration trends of people that are trying to reach 
Western Europe through the Balkan route (Bobic, Jankovic, 2017). While some 
of the studies can be defined as scientific in a strict sense, the others are the 
products of action research, written at the request of international institutions or 
as a result of engagement with international, as well as NGO projects.
Considering the methodologies being used, we can say that quantitative 
approaches are most prevalent in the literatures on migration authored in Serbia. 
Other than a group of anthropologists12 who cultivate qualitative approaches, 
most scholars perform a secondary analysis on data using official statistics 
(Stanković, 2014) or new data gathered through surveys and questionnaires 
(Pavlov, 2009). This fact is even more interesting if one bears in mind the 
objective problems of quantitative data collection: Serbia does not have any 
migration statistics on stocks and flows, and the most accurate data on the size 
and structural composition of the emigrant population is obtained through 
Census data13 (Nikitović et al, 2013).
12 Gathered mostly around the Institute of Ethnography SASA and their publication Bulletin of 
the Institute of Ethnography SASA.
13 Emigration data have been gathered in Serbia since 1971, but the scope and quality of the 
data have declined over time. This problem became especially visible in the last census from 
2011, when the data on the population living abroad were gathered exclusively through the 
members of their families that remained in Serbia (Stanković, 2014). It is estimated that 
in the first census from 1971 there was an underreporting of about 30% of the population 
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 269
Gender approaches to migrations in Serbia thus remains rather scarce. Except 
for occasional publications (Morokvašić, 2010; Pavlov, Volarević, Petronijević, 
2006; Pešić, 2013; Poleti, 2016), the female experience, the contribution given by 
women in the migration processes, as well as their influence on these processes, 
are completely left out. In almost all research, gender is defined through binary 
categories in which women are defined versus men. Even then, the data is 
analysed by gender, not interpreted through a gender dimension. Under the 
veil of gender neutrality, the ignorance of gender perspectives is being hidden. 
Moreover, the dominant, quantitative methodological approach cannot evidence 
all forms of female mobilities. Namely, the unavailability of comprehensive 
statistics that would give correct data on the number of women has partially been 
caused by the impossibility of recording irregular work migrations that reflect 
work in the informal sector. If we could add the interdisciplinary approach to an 
observation written 35 years ago, it would perfectly describe the production of 
gender knowledge in the migration studies at the semi-periphery – “the research 
on women as a special group of migrant populations was, mainly, the topic of 
Yugoslav sociologists working exclusively abroad” (Mežnarić, 1985:87). Empirical 
research forms the basis for offering insights into the paths and mechanisms 
that lead to migration, its method of realization and the effects of migration 
on women, their families and community. Although inductive approaches to 
migration research are still in their infancy, we hope that this research will get 
well deserved attention in the future.
In Lieu of Conclusion
Whilst statistics on international migration shows the number of women 
and girls migrating doubled on a global scale between 1960 and 2005, statistics 
concerning international migration by gender remain uneven across countries. 
It is not biological difference or sex that drives variations in migrant gender 
composition over time and space, but it is interaction of gender relations and 
gender ideologies in sending and receiving countries in historically changing 
structures of global inequality that drives these variations. The greater challenge 
facing migration researchers is to understand the causes and consequences of the 
migration gender balance, which shifts over time and varies considerably across 
cultures and nations. One of the biggest problems with quantitative approaches 
is that most surveys underestimate the undocumented population as well as 
those entering countries in an irregular manner. The undervaluing of women’s 
labour and restrictions on their right to work makes many women invisible. The 
problem of overlooking these types of female migrants is partly due to different 
understandings of who migrants are and the different ways in which nation-
states define migrants. However, the bigger issue at play relates to disagreements 
abroad (Predojević Despić, 2010), and that this increased to as much as 50% in the last census 
(Nikitović, 2017). Therefore, the demographic picture has to be obtained by combining local 
and foreign sources of data. Besides the availability and accuracy, the comparability of data is 
also a significant problem.
270 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
about what theory is (is it prediction, explanation, or interpretation?), and what 
methodologies are most likely to advance theory itself (are they quantitative, 
qualitative, rigorous, and/or eclectic?). Positivist and theory-driven disciplines 
(that is, those hoping to predict as well as to understand human behaviour) 
have difficulty accepting gender analysis precisely because gender is too often 
theorized as relational and contextual, thus complicating its operationalization. 
Scholars trained in positivist and quantitative methodologies are especially 
likely to respond to calls for gender analysis or reviews such as ours with the “so 
what” question. As long as gender analysis draws on the theories and methods of 
their own disciplines, they will be able to see little evidence that gender analysis 
matters and that research on gender adds theoretical value.
To improve our understanding of gender and migration, we should start 
conducting qualitative research in mobility and migration studies over multiple 
locations (so-called “multi-site research”) which in turn bring together the core 
and the semi-periphery. This is a salient methodological imperative when it 
comes to the phenomenon of post-national migration whereby people live their 
lives in multiple countries. Yet, to carry out such researchprojects applying mixed 
methods could prove expensive, and it is not difficult to conceive financiers and 
funding bodies being reluctant unless they match the political and ideological 
agendas of national institutions or international organizations. Ultimately, the 
future of research in gender migration is underpinned by the general direction 
of literature and the dominance of paradigms within different disciplines. The 
importance of the geographical, political, social and cultural contextualisation of 
the production of knowledge and the relevance of problematizing the connection 
between knowledge from the semi-periphery and that from the core are crucial 
for the description and deeper understanding of the countless varieties of 
migrant positions, situations and experiences.
Literature
Andresen, S. and Dölling, I. 2005. “Umbau des Geschlechter-Wissens von 
ReformakteurInnen durch Gender Mainstreaming”. In: U. Behning and B. 
Sauer. (eds.) Was Bewirkt Gender Mainstreaming Evaluierung durch Policy-
Analysen. Ebook. Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 175–189.
Antonijević, Dragana. 2013. Stranac ovde, stranac tamo – Antropološko istraživanje 
kultunog identiteta gastarbajtera. Beograd: Srpski genealoški centar.
Babović, Marija, Slobodan Cvejić i Danilo Rakić. 2007. Položaj izbeglica na 
tržištu rada i učešće u aktivnim merama zapošljavanja. Beograd: Grupa 484.
Basch, Linda, Nina Glick Schiller and Szanton Blanc. 1994. Nations Unbound: 
Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments and Deterriorialized Nation 
States. Amsterdam: Gordon and Research Science Publishers.
Blagojević. Marina. 2009. Knowledge Production at the Semiperiphery – A Gender 
Perspective. Belgrade: Institut za kriminološka i sociološka istraživanja.
Bobić, Mirjana i Marija Babović. 2013. Međunarodne migracije u Srbiji – stanje i 
politike. Sociologija. Vol. LX, No 2: 209–228.
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 271
Bobić, Mirjana i Stefan Janković (ur.). 2017. Towards understanding of 
contemporary migration – Causes, Consequences, Policies, Reflections. 
Beograd: Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofski fakultet u Beogradu.
Brennan, Denise. 2004. What’s Love Got to Do with It?: Transnational Desires and 
Sex Tourism in the Dominican Republic. Durham: Duke University Press.
Castles, Stephen and Mark J. Miller. 1993. The age of Migration. London: Palgrave.
Diner, H. R. 1983. Erin’s Daughters in America: Irish Immigrant Women in the 
Nineteenth Century. Baltimore: Md: Johns Hopkins Press.
Dölling, Irene 2005.‚ “Geschlechter-Wissen‘ – ein nützlicher Begriff für die 
‚verstehende‘ Analyse von Vergeschlechtlichungsprozessen?“. Zeitschrift für 
Frauenforschungund Geschlechterstudien, Vol. 23, No. 1+2: 44–62.
Donato, Katherine and Gabaccia Donna. 2015. Gender and International 
Migration: from the slavery era to the global age, New York: Russell Sage 
Foundation.
Dumitru, Speranta. 2014. From “brain drain” to “care drain”: Women’s  labor 
migration and methodological sexism. Women’s Studies International Forum
Gabaccia, Donna R. and Elizabeth Zanoni. 2012. Transition in Gender Ratios among 
International Migrants, 1820–1930. Social Science History 36 (2): 197–222.
Grečić, Vladimir. 2010. Odliv mozgova iz Srbije – problemi i moguća rešenja. 
Beograd: Grupa 484.
Hochschild, A. R. 2000. “Global care chains and emotional surplus value“. In 
W. Hutton & A. Giddens (Eds.). On the edge: Living with global capitalism. 
London: Jonathan Cape, 130–146.
Hochschild, A. R. 2004. “Love and gold”. In A. R. Hochschild, & B. Ehrenreich 
(Eds.). Global women: Nannies, maids, and sex workers in the new economy. 
New York: Owl Books.
Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. 1994. Gendered Transitions: Mexican Experiences of 
Immigration. University of California Press.
Ivanović Vladimir. Geburtstag pišeš normalno. Jugoslavenski gastarbajteri u SR 
Nemačkoj i Austriji 1965.-1973. Beograd: Institut za savremenu istoriju.
Kilkey, M. 2010. “Men and domestic labor: A missing link in the global care 
chain“. Men and Masculinities. Vol. 13: 126–149.
Kofman, Eleonore. 1999. “Female “Birds of Passage a Decade Later: Gender and 
Immigration in the Eurpean Union”. International Migration Review, Vol.33, 
No. 2: 269–299.
Levitt, Peggy. 2001. The Transnational Villagers, Berkeley: University of California 
Press.
Lukić Krstanović, Miroslava. 1992. Srbi u Kanadi – život i simoboli identiteta. 
Beograd: Posebna izdanja Etnografskog instituta SANU 36.
Lukić, Vesna. 2015. Dve decenije izbeglištva u Srbiji, Popis stanovništva, domaćinstva 
i stanova 2011. u Republici Srbiji. Beograd: Republički zavod za statistiku.
Lutz, Helma and Ewa Palenga Möllenbeck. 2012. “Care Workers, Care Drain, 
and Care Chains: Reflections on Care, Migration, and Citizenship“. Social 
272 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
Politics, International Studies in Gender, State & Society. Volume 19, Issue 1: 
15–37, https://doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxr026.
Mahler, S. J and Pessar P. 2006. “Gender Matters: Ethnographers Bring Gender 
from the Periphery toward the Core of Migration Studies”. International 
Migration Review, Vol. 40, No.1: 27–63.
Manalasan, Martin. 2006. “Queer intersections: Sexuality and gender in 
migration studies”. International Migration Review, Vol. 40, No. 1: 224–249.
Marjanovic, Dragana. 2015. Labour Migration and its Effects on the Demography 
and Labour Market of Serbia. Beograd: Swiss Agency for Development and 
Cooperation, IOM and UNDP.
Mežnerić Silva. 1985. “Jugoslovenska sociologija (vanjskih) migracija – pokušaj 
sistematizacije”. Migracijske teme. No. 1: 77–96.
Morokvasic Mirjana. 1984. “Birds of Passage are also Women”. International 
Migration Review. Vol. 18, No. 4: 886–907.
Morokvašić, Mirjana. 1987. Jugoslawische Frauen: die Emigration und danach. 
Basel: Roter Stern.
Morokvasic, Mirjana. 2004. “Settled in Mobility: Engendering Post-Wall 
Migration in Europe”. Feminist Review. Vol. 77, No. 1: 7–25.
Morokvašić, Mirjana. 2010. Feminizacija migracija. Stanovništvo. Vol. XLVIII, 
No. 2: 25–52.
Nikitović, Vladimir, Goran Penev, Jelena Predojević Despić and Mirjana Rašević. 
2013. Analysis of Existing Migratory Data Production Systems and Major Data 
Sources in Serbia – Enhancing Data Production Systems of Migration and 
Human Capital in the South-East European Area. SEEMIG Project.
Nikitović, Vladimir. 2017. Kako procenjujemo obim i strukturu spoljne migracije 
u Srbiji. Prezentacija sa okruglog stola o značaju spoljnih migracija.
Oso, Casas L. and J.-P. Garson. 2005. “Migrant women and the labour market: 
Diversity and challenges”, OECD and European Commission Seminar, Brussels, 
26–27 September.
Palenga Möllenbeck, Ewa. 2013. “New maids – new butlers? Polish domestic 
workers in Germany and commodification of social reproductive work”, 
In: Brigitte Aulenbacher and Caecilia Innreiter-Moser (Ed.). Making the 
Difference – Critical Perspectives on the Configuration of Work, Diversity and 
Inequalities. Special issue of Equality, Diversity and Inclusion: An international 
Journal, Vol. 32, No. 6: 557–574.
Parenas Salazar, Rhacel. 2001. Servants of Globalization: women, migration and 
domestic work. Palo Alto: Stanford University Press.
Pavičević, Aleksandra. 2004. “A few questions concerning exterior migrations of 
Yugoslav population during the second half of the 20th century. A time for 
reconsideration“, Glasnik Etnografskog instituta SANU. Vol. 52: 129–137.
Pavlica, Branko. 2005. Migracije iz Jugoslavije u Nemačku – migranti, emigranti, 
izbeglice i azilanti. Međunarodni problemi. Vol. 57, No. 1–2: 121–158.
Pavlov, Tanja, Siniša Volarević i Vladimir Petronijević. 2006. Studija o ženama u 
izbeglištvu i raseljenju. Beograd: Gupa 484.
Tanja Višić, Dunja Poleti Ćosić: Gender and Migration Re-visited 273
Pavlov, Tanja, Vladimir Grečič, i Vladimir Petronijević. 2008. Migration 
and Development: Creating regional labour market and labour migrants 
circulation as response to regional market demands Serbia. u: CompendiumLabour Migration Conference, 2–62.
Pavlov, Tanja. 2009. Migracioni potencijal Srbije. Beograd: Grupa 484.
Penev, Goran i Jelena Predojević-Despić. 2012. Prostorni aspekti emigracije iz 
Srbije, tri ‘vruće’ emigracione zone. Stanovništvo, No 2: 36–64.
Pešić, Jelena. 2013. Rodna perspektiva u proučavanju migracija. Sociologija. Vol. 
LC, No. 2: 317–332.
Pesssar, Patricia. 1999.  “Engendering Migration Studies: The Case of New 
Immigrants in the United States”. American Behavioral Scientist. Vol. 42. No. 
4: 577–600.
Poleti, Dunja. 2016. Rodni aspekti prostorne mobilnosti u Srbiji. u: Sekulić, Nada 
i Marija Radoman (ur.). Feministički forum Filozofskog fakulteta: izabrani 
radovi iz studija roda. Beograd: Institut za sociološka istraživanja Filozofski 
fakultet u Beogradu, 42–64.
Predojević Despić, Jelena. 2010. Main territorial characteristics of emigration from 
Serbia to EU: from guest workers to chain migration. 7th IMISCOE Annual 
Conference.
Pries, Ludger. 2001. “Disruption of Social and Geographic Space: Mexican-US 
Migration and the Emergence of Transnational Social Spaces”. International 
Sociology, Vol. 16. No. 1: 51–70.
Rašević, Mirjana. 2016. Migration and development in Serbia. Beograd: Swiss 
Agency for Development and Cooperation, IOM and UNDP.
Redlova, Pavla. 2013. “Employment of Fillipinas as Nannies in the context of post-
socialist Czech Republic”. Urban people/Lide mesta. Vol. 15. No. 2: 185–2015.
Schweneken, Helen and Eberhardt Pia 2008. “Gender Knowledge in Economic 
Migration Theories and in Migration Practices”. GARNET Working paper no. 
58/80. Warwick: University of Warwick, Centre for the Study of Globalization 
and Regionalisation.
Simić, Dragan i Dragan Živojinović. 2015. Studije migracija u kurikulumima 
univerziteta u Srbiji. Projekat: Uključivanje migracija u nacionalne razvojne 
strategije. Beograd: Fakultet političkih nauka.
Stanković, Vladimir. 2014. Srbija u procesu spoljnih migracija – Popis 
stanovništva, domaćinstava i stanova 2011. U Republici Srbiji. Beograd: 
Republički zavod za statistiku.
Stojić Mitrović, Marta. 2014. Serbian migration policy concerning irregular 
migration and asylum in the context of the EU integration process. Issues in 
Ethnology and Anthropology, Vol. 9, No. 4: 1105–1120.
Thematic issue “Guest Workers”. 2011. Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology. Vol 
6, No. 4.
Vertovec, Steven. 2004. “Cheap Calls: The Social Glue of Migrant Transnationalism”. 
Global Networks: a Journal for Transnational Affairs. Vol. 4. No. 2: 219–224.
274 SOCIOLOGIJA, Vol. LX (2018), N° 1
Wimmer, A. and Glick Schiller, N. 2002. “Methodological nationalism and 
beyond: nation-state building, migration and the social sciences”. Global 
Networks: a Journal for Transnational Affairs. Vol. 2, No. 4, 301–334.
Yeates, Nicola. 2004. “Global Care Chains. Critical Reflections and Lines of 
Enquiry”. International Feminist Journal of Politics. Vol. 6, No. 3: 369–391.
Yeates, Nicola. 2009. “Production for export: the role of the state in the 
development and operation of global care chains” Population, Space and 
Place. Vol. 15, No. 2: 175–187.
Zlotnik, Hania. 2003. The Global Dimensions of Female Migration. https://www.
migrationpolicy.org/article/global-dimensions-female-migration/
View publication statsView publication stats
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324799422
<<
 /ASCII85EncodePages false
 /AllowTransparency false
 /AutoPositionEPSFiles true
 /AutoRotatePages /All
 /Binding /Left
 /CalGrayProfile (Dot Gain 20%)
 /CalRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1)
 /CalCMYKProfile (U.S. Web Coated \050SWOP\051 v2)
 /sRGBProfile (sRGB IEC61966-2.1)
 /CannotEmbedFontPolicy /Warning
 /CompatibilityLevel 1.4
 /CompressObjects /Tags
 /CompressPages true
 /ConvertImagesToIndexed true
 /PassThroughJPEGImages true
 /CreateJobTicket false
 /DefaultRenderingIntent /Default
 /DetectBlends true
 /DetectCurves 0.0000
 /ColorConversionStrategy /LeaveColorUnchanged
 /DoThumbnails false
 /EmbedAllFonts true
 /EmbedOpenType false
 /ParseICCProfilesInComments true
 /EmbedJobOptions true
 /DSCReportingLevel 0
 /EmitDSCWarnings false
 /EndPage -1
 /ImageMemory 1048576
 /LockDistillerParams false
 /MaxSubsetPct 100
 /Optimize true
 /OPM 1
 /ParseDSCComments true
 /ParseDSCCommentsForDocInfo true
 /PreserveCopyPage true
 /PreserveDICMYKValues true
 /PreserveEPSInfo true
 /PreserveFlatness true
 /PreserveHalftoneInfo false
 /PreserveOPIComments true
 /PreserveOverprintSettings true
 /StartPage 1
 /SubsetFonts true
 /TransferFunctionInfo /Apply
 /UCRandBGInfo /Preserve
 /UsePrologue false
 /ColorSettingsFile ()
 /AlwaysEmbed [ true
 ]
 /NeverEmbed [ true
 ]
 /AntiAliasColorImages false
 /CropColorImages true
 /ColorImageMinResolution 300
 /ColorImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK
 /DownsampleColorImages true
 /ColorImageDownsampleType /Bicubic
 /ColorImageResolution 72
 /ColorImageDepth -1
 /ColorImageMinDownsampleDepth 1
 /ColorImageDownsampleThreshold 1.00000
 /EncodeColorImages true
 /ColorImageFilter /DCTEncode
 /AutoFilterColorImages true
 /ColorImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG
 /ColorACSImageDict <<
 /QFactor 0.15
 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1]
 >>
 /ColorImageDict <<
 /QFactor 0.15
 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1]
 >>
 /JPEG2000ColorACSImageDict <<
 /TileWidth 256
 /TileHeight 256
 /Quality 30
 >>
 /JPEG2000ColorImageDict <<
 /TileWidth 256
 /TileHeight 256
 /Quality 30
 >>
 /AntiAliasGrayImages false
 /CropGrayImages true
 /GrayImageMinResolution 300
 /GrayImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK
 /DownsampleGrayImages true
 /GrayImageDownsampleType /Bicubic
 /GrayImageResolution 72
 /GrayImageDepth -1
 /GrayImageMinDownsampleDepth 2
 /GrayImageDownsampleThreshold 1.00000
 /EncodeGrayImages true
 /GrayImageFilter /DCTEncode
 /AutoFilterGrayImages true
 /GrayImageAutoFilterStrategy /JPEG
 /GrayACSImageDict <<
 /QFactor 0.15
 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1]
 >>
 /GrayImageDict <<
 /QFactor 0.15
 /HSamples [1 1 1 1] /VSamples [1 1 1 1]
 >>
 /JPEG2000GrayACSImageDict <<
 /TileWidth 256
 /TileHeight 256
 /Quality 30
 >>
 /JPEG2000GrayImageDict <<
 /TileWidth 256
 /TileHeight 256
 /Quality 30
 >>
 /AntiAliasMonoImages false
 /CropMonoImages true
 /MonoImageMinResolution 1200
 /MonoImageMinResolutionPolicy /OK
 /DownsampleMonoImages true
 /MonoImageDownsampleType /Bicubic
 /MonoImageResolution 150
 /MonoImageDepth -1
 /MonoImageDownsampleThreshold 1.00000
 /EncodeMonoImages true
 /MonoImageFilter /CCITTFaxEncode
 /MonoImageDict <<
 /K -1
 >>
 /AllowPSXObjects false
 /CheckCompliance [
 /None
 ]
 /PDFX1aCheck false
 /PDFX3Check false
 /PDFXCompliantPDFOnly false
 /PDFXNoTrimBoxError true
 /PDFXTrimBoxToMediaBoxOffset [
 0.00000
 0.00000
 0.00000
 0.00000
 ]
 /PDFXSetBleedBoxToMediaBox true
 /PDFXBleedBoxToTrimBoxOffset [
 0.00000
 0.00000
 0.00000
 0.00000
 ]
 /PDFXOutputIntentProfile (None)
 /PDFXOutputConditionIdentifier ()
 /PDFXOutputCondition ()
 /PDFXRegistryName ()
 /PDFXTrapped /False
 /CreateJDFFile false
 /Description <<
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>
 /CHS <FEFF4f7f75288fd94e9b8bbe5b9a521b5efa7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065876863900275284e8e9ad88d2891cf76845370524d53705237300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c676562535f00521b5efa768400200050004400460020658768633002>
 /CHT <FEFF4f7f752890194e9b8a2d7f6e5efa7acb7684002000410064006f006200650020005000440046002065874ef69069752865bc9ad854c18cea76845370524d5370523786557406300260a853ef4ee54f7f75280020004100630072006f0062006100740020548c002000410064006f00620065002000520065006100640065007200200035002e003000204ee553ca66f49ad87248672c4f86958b555f5df25efa7acb76840020005000440046002065874ef63002>
 /CZE <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>
 /DAN <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>
 /DEU <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>
 /ESP <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>
 /ETI <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>
 /FRA <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>
 /GRE <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>
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