the personal consequences of a year study abroad nash 1976

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The Personal Consequences of a Year of Study Abroad 
Author(s): Dennison Nash 
Source: The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 47, No. 2 (Mar. - Apr., 1976), pp. 191-203
Published by: Ohio State University Press
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The Personal Consequences of 
a Year of Study Abroad 
DENNISON NASH* 
Using a design involving experimental and control 
groups, this study evaluates the effect of a year of study abroad on the 
self-realization of a group ofjunior-year students in France. The kind of 
self-realization which is proposed by the ideologues and custodians of 
such programs is seen to be aimed at producing a liberal-international 
version of a typically modern individual. Using this model as a guide, a 
series of hypotheses regarding the effects on individuals of a year of 
overseas study were developed. The tests of these hypotheses involved 
the comparison of changes in the junior-year group and a group which 
remained at home. Some support for the hypotheses was obtained from 
assessments made at the end of the year abroad, but a later assess- 
ment, using less-than-adequate data, suggests that most of the per- 
sonality changes derived from the overseas experience did not persist 
after return home. Further research is calledfor. 
*The study on which this article is based benefitted from a grant from the University of Con- 
necticut Research Foundation and a fellowship from the Camargo Foundation. The author wishes 
to thank the Department of Romance and Classical Languages, University of Connecticut; and 
especially the director, the assistant director, and his wife of the group studied for their assistance. 
Jerold Heiss of the Department of Sociology, University of Connecticut was an indispensable 
collaborator in the early stages of the study and consultant on computer methodology. Susan Lee 
McKain and Rhonda Tarr provided valuable research assistance. 
DENNISON NASH is professor of anthropology and sociology, University of 
Connecticut, Storrs. 
JHE, VOL. XLVII, No. 2, MARCH/APRIL, 1976 / 191 
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JOURNAL OF HIGHER EDUCATION 
When asked at the end of their time in France what their main ac- 
complishments had been during their year abroad students in one 
junior-year group studied by the author mentioned most frequently an 
improved competence in French. Here, they were revealing what 
anyone involved in such programs would have expected. Garraty and 
Adams [10, p. 137], for example, in their study of American college and 
university programs in Europe, say that "a majority of the students 
make a great deal of progress in the language of the host country"; and 
Bicknese [6, p. 344], in summing up the accomplishments of 
Millersburg students in Marburg, Germany, says that "the vast ma- 
jority ... gain an impressive proficiency in the target language." But 
the students in the study being reported here also mentioned almost as 
frequently various kinds of personal development such as self-under- 
standing, personal growth, increased tolerance, independence, sophisti- 
cation, and greater openness or receptivity as consequences of their 
year abroad. Such self-realization is a not entirely unanticipated effect 
of overseas study. Indeed, the ideologues and custodians of American 
overseas programs often cite personal development as one of the prin- 
cipal goals of a period of study abroad. Coelho [8, p. 66], for example, 
says that "cross cultural education . . . is committed to facilitate the 
process of education of the whole person as an international student 
and as an individual." 
Though probably unaware of it, Americans who emphasize the value 
of self-realization in education, as does an American president's com- 
mission on higher education [23], or more generally in socialization, as 
does Maslow [16], seem to be reflecting an historic trend towards indi- 
viduation which is found not only in America, but in all countries in the 
process of modernization.' This process, which has been studied exten- 
sively by Inkeles and Smith [13], tends to produce individuals who are, 
according to Schooler [26], increasingly autonomous, intellectually 
adept, and internally oriented.2 Such individuals are more likely to be 
'No value judgment is implied by the term modernization which here refers to the growing 
complexity of social life which tends to be associated with socioeconomic development. Some will 
argue that modernization takes a variety of forms, and that in a country like China the effect on in- 
dividuals is not the same as in countries developing under capitalism. The fact of cultural vari- 
ability seems obvious, but the general trend set forth here has been extensively documented in a 
variety of cultures and subcultures. Socialism may put a break in the tendency towards indi- 
viduation, or even set it back, but the tendency would seem to be inevitable. 
2The general reasoning of, e.g., Schooler is that increasing social complexity is associated with 
a weakening of social norms and leads to a greater freedom for the individual and concern with the 
autonomous self. In addition, increasing social complexity requires the individual to work things 
out more rationally and be more flexible intellectually. 
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STUDY ABROAD 
found in more industrialized countries and in better educated, more 
urbanized social settings. 
If one assumes that educational developments reflect more general 
historic processes, it seems reasonable to argue that the personal con- 
sequences of modernization which Americans tend to experience to an 
advanced degree would be especially noticeable among American 
college students. Indeed, Sanford [25] argues that higher education 
should concentrate on developing the individual student and promoting 
an identity based on qualities such as flexibility, creativeness, openness 
to experience, and individual responsibility. One can hear many echos 
of John Dewey in such a program. 
Since most overseas study programs sponsored by American institu- 
tions of higher learning are supervised by departments of foreign lan- 
guages in colleges of liberal arts, one would expect that students who 
graduate from them would be at least as modern in their personal 
qualities as the remainder of students in these colleges. On the other 
hand, the nature of the overseas situation is such as to provide the quin- 
tessence of the modern experience in a complex, changing world. Thus, 
the student who successfully completes a year of study abroad ought to 
become even more modernized than his colleagues at home and thus 
freer of parochial ties and the constraints of tradition and more reliant 
on the autonomous self. And indeed McEvoy [18, p. 85], in discussing 
such a student, refers to a self-actualizing, cosmopolitan
person who 
has begun "to free himself from those unconscious ties which have 
limited his identity and . .. his intellectual and perceptual movement to 
the prescribed traces of his native milieu." 
Claims about the consequences of a liberal arts education or of 
overseas study programs should not be confused with their actual ac- 
complishment, however. Many optimistic statements about the effects 
of American overseas educational programs have been made, but at- 
tempts to assess these claims have produced ambiguous results. For 
example, investigations by Pace [22] and Leonard [15] give some sup- 
port to those who argue that significant personal changes result from a 
year of overseas study, but the most rigorous study which so far has 
been done [19, p. 59] concluded that "modifications of the personality 
as a result of intercultural experiences were relatively rare." 
Differences in assessment of the self-realizational outcomes of 
overseas study may be due to differences in the populations investi- 
gated, qualities of personality selected for study, or periods of assess- 
ment. An even more important source of such differences may derive 
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JOURNAL OF HIGHER EDUCATION 
from the methods used to make an evaluation. So far, only a few 
studies (notably those by the authors mentioned immediately above) 
have approximated the degree of experimental rigor required to draw 
reasonably firm conclusions about the personal consequences of a year 
of study abroad. This paper is based on a new exploratory investigation 
using an acceptable experimental design and reports conclusions about 
self-realization overseas which were obtained from it. 
The study involves "before" and "after" assessments of an experi- 
mental (overseas) and control (home) group. The overseas group con- 
sisted initially of 41 cooperating students of the 47 who went abroad 
during one year of the University of Connecticut Junior Year in France 
program. A comparable group of 32 who remained at home at the 
university throughout the year also agreed to cooperate. These groups 
were given several questionnaires at times largely dictated by the 
overseas group's itinerary which included a six-week orientation period 
in Paris and a subsequent sojourn in Rouen where most of the students 
took specially arranged courses in French and/or France at the Faculte 
de Lettres (four students were integrated into regular university 
courses).3 There was some attrition of respondents to the question- 
naires in both groups, but enough continued to respond to successfully 
complete the study. 
Criticism of the methodology used in this investigation can be 
directed at the makeup of the control group and the representa- 
tiveness of the subjects. The selection of control groups in scientific 
experiments is always open to question. In the present research an at- 
tempt was made to choose comparable students at home by ap- 
proaching juniors in upper-level French courses, but the overseas and 
control groups still differed in a number of ways that could have 
affected the outcome. As to the representativeness of the subjects, 
there are grounds for believing that the overseas group studied was not 
typical of the University of Connecticut Junior Year in France groups; 
and of course there is no way of knowing how typical these students 
were of all students in American college- and university-sponsored 
overseas study groups. The results of this exploratory study should 
therefore be taken as suggestive only and generalizations attempted 
very cautiously. 
As far as this paper is concerned, information from the first ques- 
tionnaire, given before the overseas group's departure in September, 
and the fourth, given in May near the end of the academic year at 
3Since the time of this study the program has successfully integrated increasing numbers of 
students each year. 
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Rouen, are especially significant. Differences between the experimental 
and control groups on average measures of student responses are com- 
pared statistically by means of a t-test to find out if the year's 
experience abroad had produced any significant changes in the overseas 
group (the averages of the home group constituted a moving base line 
against which to measure these changes). Between 26 and 34 students in 
the experimental group and between 17 and 24 in the control group pro- 
vided adequate data on the two questionnaires for making the necessary 
comparisons for different measures. A last questionnaire, given during 
the summer after the return of students in the overseas group, provided 
some information about the persistence of changes, but response rates 
on this questionnaire were not great enough to provide fully adequate 
information in this regard. However, some reference to these suggestive 
data will be made at the conclusion.4 
A particularly vexing problem in securing comparability of results in 
studies of this kind is a lack of agreement about what aspects of the 
personality ought to be measured. This may be due to the fact that 
different investigators have different ideas about what changes in the in- 
dividual are desirable as a result of overseas study. There are, however, 
a few salient themes which emerge and which can provide a basis for de- 
veloping hypotheses. These themes refer to the special kind of indi- 
viduation which overseas study as a part of an American liberal 
education is supposed to impart. The persistent image which stands be- 
hind these themes appears to be that of a liberalized or interna- 
tionalized version of the modem individual discussed by Schooler and 
Inkeles and Smith. This person will increasingly differentiate himself 
from his or her surroundings and develop an expanded, more tolerant, 
and flexible self-structure adjusted to a changing, ambiguous, trans- 
cultural environment. He or she will be more assured and confident and 
display a greater objectivity towards his or her self and the world. As 
Leonard [15, pp. 173-741, among others, reminds us, not all students 
can be expected to change significantly as a result of their educational 
experience overseas, but it is not always clear whether the claims made 
about the effects of such experience refer to a few elite or to a majority. 
In this study the hypotheses which are given below refer to group 
tendencies. In effect, it is asked if the typical student in the overseas 
4Sixteen students from the overseas group and 24 from the control group provided adequate 
responses to the questionnaire distributed in late summer. The reduced response rate of the 
overseas group presents difficulties for comparing changes in the two groups, but those difficulties 
are somewhat mitigated by the fact that the reduced sample of overseas students is not un- 
representative of the larger group responding in May as far as average scores on the various 
measures is concerned. 
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group, as compared with his or her colleague at home, changes in the 
predicted direction. 
HYPOTHESES AND RESULTS 
1. Increased Autonomy. One cannot be very sanguine about any 
hypothesis of increased autonomy in an overseas situation where most 
of the problems of living are resolved by a director and assistants and 
where the student spends a good deal of time with other Americans. In 
this regard the University of Connecticut Junior Year in France 
program is typical of its genre. But Abrams [1]
argues that even in pro- 
grams dominated by stranger groups the need to deal with a foreign 
language and environment calls for the development of qualities of in- 
dependence and self-reliance. 
In this study the measure used to assess personal autonomy was a 
certain kind of response in a student's completions to an "I am . . ." 
statement designed to elicit his or her self-conceptions. If any concept 
given implied self-determination or personal freedom, a score for per- 
sonal autonomy was given. All-or-nothing changes from the first ques- 
tionnaire in August-September to the fourth in May were compared 
statistically by means of a t-test. As compared with the home group, 
the change in the overseas group was in the predicted direction and 
significant (p < .01). Therefore, the hypothesis that a year's study 
abroad produces some increase in personal autonomy may be accepted. 
2. Expansion or Differentiation of Self. If self-conceptions reflect 
the nature of one's environment to any degree, the overseas student 
who must function in two cultures rather than one ought to develop a 
more expanded or differentiated sense of self. Numerous claims about 
changes of this kind as a result of overseas experience have been made. 
For example, Duffy [9, p. 40] says that an undergraduate study 
program abroad should be "both personally and educationally 
broadening"; and Barrutia [5, p. 223] says that it "broadens and 
deepens the value system to which each student gives his allegiance and 
on the basis of which he makes choices." 
The self-description technique mentioned above was also used to 
assess this aspect of self-realization in the University of Connecticut 
students. The number of completions to the "I am . . ." statement was 
used to measure the degree of expansion or differentiation of self. As 
compared with the control group at home, the average number of self- 
conceptions in the overseas group increased significantly (p < .005) 
during the course of the year. Therefore, the hypothesis that a year's 
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study abroad produces an expansion or differentiation of self may be 
accepted. 
Specific transculturative or acculturative changes associated with the 
expansion or differentiation of self also were assessed in the students. It 
was hypothesized that the students in the overseas group would tend to 
acquire French or French-American characteristics. The French, for 
example, were presumed to be less alienated from their bodies and feel- 
ings than are middle-class Americans.5 Therefore, it was predicted that 
the junior-year students would tend to become less alienated in these di- 
mensions of personality during to course of their year abroad. Scores 
derived from responses to scales measuring alienation from feelings 
[11], containing such statements as "I like to let others know how I 
feel," and from the body [21], containing statements such as "I am not 
disturbed by someone else urinating," were computed and changes in 
the experimental and home groups compared statistically. At the close 
of the year the overseas students had become less alienated from their 
bodies (p < .025) and feelings (p < .05). Thus, the hypotheses about 
decreased alienation may be accepted. 
A number of additional questions were asked to assess other aspects 
of acculturation or transculturation during the year. The overseas 
students only were asked if they ever found themselves acting like a 
Frenchman. Less than one-third responded affirmatively before leaving 
for France, but at the end of the year all indicated that they were at 
least occasionally acting like a Frenchman. As compared with their 
colleagues at home, the overseas group showed an increased preference 
for speaking French (p < .0005) and for eating French food (p < 
.0005). Finally, as compared with the group at home, they showed a 
greater increase in interest in international affairs (p < .005). All of 
these data, therefore, tend to support the general hypothesis that the 
expansion or differentiation of self noted above takes place within the 
process of acculturation or transculturation with French culture. 
This process, of course, does not take place in a social vacuum. 
Other human beings are involved. Though the overseas students did not 
acquire new friends (Americans, French, others) at a significantly 
greater rate than their colleagues at home, they did make contact with 
their hosts and become close to some of them primarily through the 
medium of their French "families." As compared with those in the 
home group who developed none, the students in the overseas group re- 
veal a significant (p < .0005) acquisition of friends among Europeans 
during their year abroad and came to admire some (p < .0005); but in- 
5This hypothesis is based on observation. The theoretical argument is derived from the dis- 
cussions in Nash [20] of the psychological concomitants of modernization. 
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creased association with Europeans, though it could lead to positive at- 
titudes towards specific individuals, did not lead to a more favorable at- 
titude towards France. On a measure involving the percentage of fa- 
vorably evaluated completions to the statement "France is . . ." the 
overseas group, as compared with the home group, showed a 
significantly less favorable attitude towards France by the end of the 
year (p < .06); and this trend was correlated significantly (r = .37,p = 
.02) with the number of Frenchmen the student reported as associates. 
Thus, the data from this study do not support the claim advanced by 
Hofman and Zak [12], for example, that overseas experience, particu- 
larly that which involves greater association with the host people, will 
lead towards a more favorable attitude towards the host country. 
3. Increased Tolerance and Flexibility. As intimated above, claims 
about the "liberalizing" and/or detraditionalizing effects of overseas 
study usually occupy the foreground of discussion of the subject. 
Abrams [3, p. 22] argues that "the cross cultural encounter . . . can 
liberate the mind in ways that are not possible on campus"; and 
Leonard [15], McGuigan [19], Smith [28], and Stein [29] are only some 
of the authors who have routinely considered the "liberization" of the 
personality during overseas study. The results of their investigations 
have been equivocal, and it is not with a great deal of optimism that 
hypotheses about increased tolerance and flexibility are entered here. 
To assess "liberal" or "anti-authoritarian" tendencies scales 
measuring tolerance of ambiguity derived from Walk [30] and Budner 
[7], containing such statements as "nobody can have feelings of love 
and hate towards the same person," and rigidity, derived from Wesley 
[31], containing statements such as "I dislike having to learn new ways 
of doing things," were incorporated in the questionnaires.6 Addi- 
tionally, a question about the student's political position was asked. As 
compared with the home group the overseas students did not change 
significantly in their tolerance of ambiguity or in their rigidity during 
the course of the year. Therefore the hypotheses about increased 
tolerance and flexibility must be rejected. On the other hand, there is a 
significant trend in the overseas group (p < .05) towards a more liberal 
(but not radical) political position. However, in view of the rejections of 
6If the principal concern of the present investigation had been to test "liberalization," then the 
C-R Scale [14] used by Leonard [15] or the California F Scale (Adorno and others
[4]) used by 
McGuigan [19] might have been more appropriate measures; but they would have added an in- 
tolerable number of questions to an already long questionnaire. Tolerance of ambiguity is one di- 
mension of personality measured by the F Scale and appears to reflect the spirit of claims about 
"liberalization" overseas. 
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the hypotheses about increased tolerance and flexibility, the acceptance 
of this hypothesis should not imply any thoroughgoing liberalization of 
the junior year students' personalities during their year abroad. 
4. Increased Self-assurance and Confidence. When asked how she 
expected the year abroad to affect her students, the director of a 
Mormon overseas study group said, "I expect them to come back with 
their feet planted firmly on the ground." Apparently, she was antici- 
pating that they would then be ready to become faithful Mormons. This 
is not quite what most American directors expect, but the idea that 
overseas study leads to a crystallization of life goals is widespread 
among them. For example, Barrutia [5, p. 233] refers to the "increased 
self understanding, clarified life purposes, and broadening and 
deepening of the value system" which results from a year abroad. Such 
self-assurance was measured in this study by the percentage of "unde- 
cided" responses to 94 statements about the self included in the ques- 
tionnaires. As compared with the group at home there was no 
significant change in the overseas group on this measure during the 
course of the year. Therefore, the hypothesis about increased self- 
assurance must be rejected. In at least one specific attitude towards 
their world, however, that involving an evaluation of the American way 
of life, a more assured attitude emerged. Though in their responses to a 
specific question on this subject as many in the overseas group de- 
veloped a more positive as more negative attitude, the overall trend 
during the year was towards a more definite attitude pro or con (p < 
.02).7 
To measure self-confidence a series of statements from the Rosen- 
berg Self-Evaluation Scale (e.g., "I feel I have a number of good 
qualities") were included in the questionnaires [24]. Contrary to expec- 
tations, the scores of the overseas group, as compared with the groups 
at home, declined significantly (p < .06) during the year. Thus, the 
hypothesis about increasing self-confidence must not only be rejected, 
but as far as these groups are concerned, there are grounds for 
asserting the alternate hypothesis, i.e., that self-confidence tends to de- 
cline as a result of a year abroad. 
5. Increased Objectivity. Modernization is associated with the de- 
velopment of strangerhood, and though the modern person is increas- 
7As in the case of change towards a more liberal political position, this change appears to be 
segmental only and tied to a specific area of the student's life. Perhaps it would be correct to say 
that the student becomes more opinionated about certain things. 
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ingly concerned about himself he is more objective about the world 
around him. This appears to be what Schooler [26, p. 307] is aiming at 
with his measures of ideational and perceptual flexibility. An objective 
person can more easily see both sides of a question and adjust his per- 
ceptions to the changing conditions around him. Simmel [27, pp. 402- 
06] earlier had pointed out this quality in his discussion of strang- 
erhood. Masters [17, pp. 12-13], noting the self-indulgent wishful 
thinking of many American young people, argues that a year overseas 
can offer a "cure" in the form of social conditions which force the indi- 
vidual to be increasingly objective about himself and his world. 
Though there is some suggestive evidence concerning objectivity in 
the present study, it was not possible to develop an adequate technique 
for measuring this quality in both the experimental and control groups. 
Thus, the hypothesis about increased objectivity as a result of overseas 
study could not be tested here. It should be one of the first items on the 
agenda of any new investigation. 
In summary, general hypotheses about increased autonomy and ex- 
pansion and differentiation of self were confirmed by the data from this 
exploratory study of students in an overseas study program, but 
hypotheses about increased tolerance and flexibility and increased self- 
assurance and confidence were for the most part not confirmed. (Addi- 
tionally, there appear to be grounds for asserting the contrary 
hypothesis about self-confidence.) No adequate data were available for 
testing the hypothesis about increased objectivity as the result of 
overseas study. Thus, claims about the consequences of overseas study 
receive some support from this investigation. More support might have 
been forthcoming if the overseas group had been made up of fewer 
students who had left boy and girl friends at home. The evidence indi- 
cates that it was those students who suffered the greatest decline in 
self-esteem and that they were mainly responsible for the group trend 
against the hypothesis. 
Do the significant changes in personality that did occur persist after 
returning home? An attempt was made to find this out by questioning 
the students late in the summer after the overseas group had returned. 
Though the response rate of the overseas students was sharply reduced 
(only half of those who had responded in May), those who did respond 
were found to be not unrepresentative of the group used for the earlier 
comparison. Therefore, even though the data are not entirely adequate 
it seems desirable to at least mention the results of the later com- 
parison involving the reduced overseas group and the control group. 
The data suggest that the personality changes noted in May do not 
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for the most part persist through the summer. There was a continuance 
of the reduced self-confidence, but this, as mentioned above, seems to 
have been due more to separation from a loved one (perhaps continued 
after return) rather than to the overseas experience. On the other hand, 
a lower alienation from body, which also persisted through the summer 
in the reduced sample of overseas respondents, seems to be a direct 
consequence of experiences with the French and their culture. Why a 
person's body image might be more deeply affected than other aspects 
of the personality cannot be determined at this writing, but this ex- 
tremely interesting consequence of overseas study would seem to merit 
further investigation. 
Does a year of study abroad result in significant changes of per- 
sonality in the directions claimed by the proponents of overseas study 
programs? If the more adequate data obtained at the end of the year 
abroad are used, the present investigation provides some support for 
such claims. On the other hand, the suggestive evidence obtained 
several months later is less supportive. This later result is in general 
agreement with the only other study with an adequate experimental de- 
sign done to date, that by McGuigan (cited above), who concluded for 
Hollins College students that very few modifications of personality 
could be attributed to overseas experience. But McGuigan did not em- 
ploy any of the specific personality measures used in the present re- 
search, and he tapped only two of the same aspects of personality. 
Obviously, further methodologically
adequate studies are needed, 
especially those which employ similar theoretical perspectives and mea- 
surements, before we can confidently assess the claims of the ideal- 
ogues and custodians of overseas study programs. This research could 
provide a starting point for such investigations. 
LITERATURE CITED 
1. Abrams, Irwin. "Study Abroad." New Dimensions in Higher Education 6. Wash- 
ington, D.C.: U.S. Office of Education-Government Printing Office, 1960. 
2. . "Preface to Study Abroad." Journal of General Education, 14 (January, 
1963), pp. 220-29. 
3. . "The Evolution of Undergraduate Study Programs Abroad." Interna- 
tional Educational and Cultural Exchange, (Summer, 1971), pp. 15-24. 
4. Adorno, T. W., Else Frenkel-Brunswik, D. Levinson, and R. N. Sanford. The Au- 
thoritarian Personality. New York: Harper, 1950. 
5. Barrutia, Richard. "Study Abroad." The Modern Language Journal, 55 (1971), pp. 
232-34. 
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6. Bicknese, Gunther. "Study Abroad Part I: A Comparative Test of Attitudes and 
Opinions; Study Abroad Part II: As the Students See It." Foreign Language An- 
nals, 7 (March, 1974), pp. 325-34. 
7. Budner, S. An Investigation of Intolerance of Ambiguity. Unpublished doctoral 
dissertation, Columbia University, 1950. 
8. Coelho, George. "Personal Growth and Educational Development through 
Working and Studying Abroad." Journal of Social Issues, 18 (1962), pp. 55-67. 
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Educational and Cultural Exchange, 7 (Summer, 1971), pp. 40-45. 
10. Garraty, John and W. Adams. From Main Street to the Left Bank: Students and 
Scholars Abroad. East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State University Press, 
1959. 
11. Harris, R. and J. Lingoes. Subscales for the MMPI. Mimeographed. Dept. of Psy- 
chiatry, University of California, 1955. 
12. Hofman, J. and I. Zak. "Interpersonal Contact and Attitude Change in a Cross- 
cultural Situation." Journal of Social Psychology, 78 (1969) pp. 165-71. 
13. Inkeles, Alex and D. H. Smith. Becoming Modern: Individual Change in Six De- 
veloping Countries. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1974. 
14. Lentz, T. F. "The Attitudes of World Citizenship." Journal of Social Psychology, 
32 (1950), pp. 207-14. 
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	Article Contents
	p. 191
	p. 192
	p. 193
	p. 194
	p. 195
	p. 196
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	Issue Table of Contents
	The Journal of Higher Education, Vol. 47, No. 2 (Mar. - Apr., 1976) pp. 125-247
	Front Matter [pp. ]
	Setting Tuition Levels at Public Institutions: The Case of the University of Washington [pp. 125-139]
	A Model for Horizontal Power Sharing and Participation in University Decision-Making [pp. 141-157]
	Trends in Attitudes on Political Social, and Collegiate Issues among College Students: Mid-1960s to Mid-1970s [pp. 159-171]
	What the Enduring Effects of Higher Education Tell Us about a Liberal Education [pp. 173-190]
	The Personal Consequences of a Year of Study Abroad [pp. 191-203]
	University Extension in Urban Neighborhoods: A New Approach [pp. 205-215]
	Commentary
	Transvaluing: The Humanities in a Technical-Vocational Curriculum [pp. 217-226]
	Book Reviews
	Review: untitled [pp. 227-229]
	Review: untitled [pp. 229-230]
	Review: untitled [pp. 230-233]
	Review: untitled [pp. 233-237]
	Review: untitled [pp. 237-239]
	Review: untitled [pp. 239-240]
	Review: untitled [pp. 240-244]
	Review: untitled [pp. 244]
	Review: untitled [pp. 245-246]
	Review: untitled [pp. 246-247]