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1 Abuse of vote by prevalent creditors in reorganizing bankruptcies: the unintended consequences of judicial activism. Orlando Celso da Silva Neto “Debtors, like some poets, do not go ‘gentle into that good night’. They struggle to keep their firms alive, even if sometimes the firm would be better-off dead by any rational calculation. They are often assisted in those efforts at life-support by a bankruptcy Code that materially strengthen their hands in negotiation with the creditors”. Merton H. Miller1 Introduction. Some bankruptcy judges in Brazil have been ignoring statutory provisions commanding forced liquidation in the event a debtor fails to obtain confirmation of its reorganization plan. They do it because they believe preserving the firm maximizes value to those involved and that creditors’ voting for rejection act egotistically. I argue that these judges are mistaken and that their decisions have had unintended but foreseeable negative consequences, resulting in relevant social losses. Due to current incentives structure, bad plans will be approved, and only those that are unacceptable will be rejected. If a plan is so bad that does not get approval by creditors, debtor should not be allowed an opportunity to attempt to reorganize. To confirm my argument, I analyze the results of reorganizations where a rejected plan was forcefully imposed by courts, and in most of the cases I find that the consequences of court’s decisions were contrary to the intended objectives. The results of this paper are relevant because court decisions that ignore statutory commands are justified by a belief that reorganizations will result in value maximization for stakeholders, a belief I show to be wrong. The Brazilian bankruptcy law: general provisions concerning plan submission and approval/rejection. 1 Leverage. In: Bhandari, Jagdeep and Adler, Barry. Corporate bankruptcy: economic and legal perspectives. Cambridge University Press, 1996. As we will see in this paper, in Brazil life-support comes not from the Code, but from a twisted interpretation of law by courts. 2 Brazil’s bankruptcy act (Law 11.101/2005) is about to turn 20 years old in the summer of 2020. The law it superseded was enacted in 1945 and was widely considered to present inadequate tools for reorganizing a distressed yet viable firm2. The new law, enacted in 2005, received wide praise as a modern, state of art tool, one that would allow struggling companies to reorganize successfully. Its inspiration came from the U.S Bankruptcy Code and Germany’s InsolvenzOrdnung. The new law expressly states, in its reorganization chapter, that its goals are to allow the reorganization of distressed firms as going concerns, thus preserving jobs, production, asset value and maximizing creditors’ recovery3. The law considers preservation of the distressed yet viable company as a going concern (through its reorganization procedure) as a usually better (in the sense that it preserves more value) solution than its liquidation4. Warren and Westbrook5 affirm: “[Chapter 11] reorganization is held up as the alternative to liquidation, a solution that can put more dollars in the pockets of the creditors, save more jobs, and preserve local tax bases. At least as to the first objective, Professors Bris, Welch, and Zho say the data back up the claim. In their study of confirmed plans, they conclude that ‘the average Chapter 11 case retains value seventy-eight percent better than the average Chapter 7 case’” The reorganization of a business depends on debtor’s ability to have its plan confirmed by a qualified majority of creditors present in the general assembly. Debtor has 60 days, after its initial submission is admitted by the bankruptcy judge, to submit a plan 2 Araújo, Ferreira and Funchal (2012) affirm: “The old reorganization procedure, the concordata, basically only postponed debt payment and did not lead to actual restructuring, with no renegotiation between parties. The procedure also incentivized an informal use of the system to promote consensual renegotiations, notwithstanding an insufficient legislative framework capable of fostering workouts. The old bankruptcy procedures’ inadequate design, distorted incentives and lack of effective mechanisms to support corporate restructuring resulted in disproportional default rates of potentially viable companies.” 3Article 47 of the Bankruptcy Act (Law 11.101/2005). “The aim of the judicial reorganization is to overcome the debtor's economic and financial crisis situation as to allow the maintenance of the productive source, of workers' jobs and of creditors' best interests while ensuring the company's survival, its social purpose and encouraging economic activities.” 4 But see Baird and Rasmussen (The end of bankruptcy. Stanford Law Review, 2002): “To the extent we understand the law of corporate reorganizations as providing a collective forum in which creditors and their common debtor fashion a future for a firm that would otherwise be torn apart by financial distress, we may safely conclude that its era has come to an end.” 5 Elizabeth Warren & Jay L. Westbrook, The Success of Chapter 11: A Challenge to the Critics, 107 Mich. L. Rev. 603 (2009). Available at: http://repository. Law.umich.edu/mlr/vol107/iss4/2. http://repository/ 3 and a variable term (usually another 120 days or more) until its plan goes through the assembly’s discussion and confirmation vote. This period has been called the ‘negotiation phase’, because it is in this period that debtor must convince creditors that the plan is an effective and capable instrument on the path to a real reorganization, to an effective operational turnaround. Creditors’ assembly will be composed by four classes defined by statute (labor creditors, lienholder creditors, unsecured creditors and small-medium businesses). All classes must individually approve the plan, and if one or more classes reject it, plan is deemed rejected by the assembly, even if it receives a general majority of favorable votes. The consequence of rejection, by law, is liquidation, except under strict conditions that mandate the judge to confirm the plan (cram down6). Under Brazilian Law, nor judges nor creditors can impose an alternate plan without debtor’s consent7. Secured and Lienholder creditors in the bankruptcy procedure. Under Brazilian bankruptcy law certain creditors with liens to assets (lienholder creditors8) are subject to the plan. Lienholders creditors make a class of their own and, as mentioned, plan must be approved by all classes of the creditors’ assembly. Secured creditors – those who own the asset in debtor possession - do not participate in the reorganization but are affected by it. It is common that the class of lienholder creditors be composed of only a few creditors (and sometimes even by only one, two or three), usually 6 Article 58. (…) Paragraph 1. The court may grant the judicial reorganization as based on a plan that was not approved under Article 45 hereof if such plan jointly obtained in one single meeting: I. an affirmative vote from creditors representing over half of the amount of all credits attending the meeting, regardless of classes; II. the approval of two classes of creditors under Article 45 hereof or, when there are only two classes with voting creditors, approval of at least one of them; III. in the class that rejected the plan, an affirmative vote of over 1/3 of creditors as counted under Paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 45 hereof. 7 This is considered by researchers and practitioners one of law´s weak spots and a proposed amendment is currently undergoing congressional discussion. 8 There´s no exact correspondence in legal institutes in Brazil and in the United States. It is important toclarify that secured creditor, as defined in the law (and in this essay), is the creditor that has ownership of an asset and can repossess it in case of contractual default. By statute, the only impact bankruptcy has over the secured creditor is a temporary hold (suspension) on the right to repossess the asset during the stay period. The credit is not affected by the plan, at least nominally. Lienholder creditors are creditors that do not have ownership of the pledged asset, that works as collateral to the debt. Lienholder creditors make a class of their own in reorganization, participate in the assembly, are subject to plan renegotiation and will have some priority in case of liquidation. 4 banks or other lending institutions. Many times, one or just a few creditors have the power to decide if the plan is approved or not. The role of secured creditors in the bankruptcy procedure. Before getting into the problem concerning the alleged abuse of vote by lienholder and prevalent unsecured creditors, it is important to introduce a related problem concerning secured creditors. This will also provide a better understanding and context of the judicial bias toward preservation of the company, a bias that goes to the point of bending, if not plain ignoring, clear statutory provisions. The Brazilian bankruptcy Act specifies that secured creditors do not participate in the reorganization. If debtor defaults the secured contract and does not cure the default during the stay period, creditor can repossess the assets that secure the credit. The only statutory limitation to the exercise of the repossession right is a stay period of 180 days9. The problem here is that, notwithstanding the clear language of statute, courts have developed an ‘essentiality theory’, meaning in practice that, if the asset is essential to the recovery and reorganization efforts, creditor will not be able to repossess it. This theory, developed by doctrine and adopted by lower courts, has been embraced by the Superior Court of Justice, Brazil’s highest non-constitutional Court, with jurisdiction and powers to uniformize the interpretation of federal law by lower courts. By adopting the essentiality theory, courts in general, but especially the Superior Court of Justice, do not seem to consider that (i) § 3º of Article 49 of the Bankruptcy Act does not have the scope and content assigned by the Courts10; (ii) the pledged asset is not and has never been legally owned by debtor, and therefore it has never been a debtor asset (even if integrates the business), (iii) there are severe systemic consequences deriving of 9 This is what statute clearly states. The interpretation by courts has been far different and this author has strongly criticized the negative effects of court interpretation. See Silva Neto, O. Credit guaranteed by asset ownership (alienação fiduciária): an economic analysis (original in Portuguese: O crédito garantido por alienação fiduciária: uma análise econômica). In: Cascaes, Pedro (org) Bankruptcy and reorganization. (original in Portuguese: Falência e recuperação de empresas). Emporio do Direito, 2017. This, however, is not within the scope of this paper. 10 Article 49. Paragraph 3. When the creditor is a holder of assets and real properties in a fiduciary condition, a lessor, owner or committed seller of real properties under an agreement containing an irrevocability or irreversibility clause, including in real estate developments, or an owner in a sales agreement with reserve of ownership, such creditors’ credit is not subject to the effects of the judicial reorganization and property rights shall prevail over assets or contract terms while complying with applicable laws; however, throughout the stay referred to in Paragraph 4 of Article 6 hereof, it is not allowed to sell or remove from debtor's establishment the capital assets critical to carry out business activities. 5 this understanding, which signals to the market an uncertain transactional cost and a negative incentive towards this kind of deal, and finally (iv) Court ignores that the law has granted debtor a 180 day period to renegotiate. If Congress wanted the suspension to go on indefinitely, it would have said so. It is during this stay period that debtor must renegotiate its debt, including its compromises to secured creditors. It is this period that debtor may convince secured creditors to waive their repossession rights and participate in the plan or simply renegotiate new payment conditions. Congress has offered the distressed business a vast array of possibilities to reinvent and reorganize itself, but certainly not this ‘extra option’ (the ‘essentiality theory) granted by Brazilian courts. Superior Court of Justice’s current interpretation creates negative incentives and foster debtor’s opportunistic behavior, deviating from the well- construed statutory system of rules. To the best of this author’s knowledge, no other legal system has (or has seen) anything similar. It is often said that Brazil’s bankruptcy Act is inspired by the U.S bankruptcy Code and Germany’s InsolvenzÖrdung. Section 50 of the Insolvenzordnung clearly states that lienholder and secured creditors shall have its credits resolved separately11. In Germany, the bankruptcy administrator may sell a pledged asset as a subpart of a business on a reorganization procedure but must arrange for lienholder creditors to receive their credits12. Secured creditors do not participate in the bankruptcy and will either repossess their assets or be fully paid, agreements between secured creditors and bankruptcy administration being commonplace13. 11 Section 50: Separate Satisfaction of Pledgees. (1) Creditors holding a contractual pledge, a pledge acquired by attachment or a legal lien in an object forming part of the assets involved in the insolvency proceedings shall be entitled to separate satisfaction in respect of main claim, interest and costs from the pledged object under sections 166 to 173. 12 The InsolvenzOrdnung allows for a mandatory discount of 9% (or more, if negotiated between the administration and creditors) on the credit value of the secured creditor. The incentive for creditors to accept higher discounts come from the fact that the administrator may choose to liquidate the business, rather than reorganize, threatening the recovery of the credit. 13Under the U.S bankruptcy Code, as a rule, reorganization plans will not affect liens. US Bankruptcy Code, Section 1141 (c) ““property dealt with by [a chapter 11] plan is free and clear of all claims and interests of creditors”. This is excepted if a modification is expressly provided for in the plan and the affected creditor has ‘participated in the plan’. The relevant question is what does ‘to participate in the plan’ mean? In other words, the issue is whether express acceptance by creditor of waive of lien is required or simple silence and omission suffices. It seems that the predominance of a more restrictive understanding, under which simple omission does not authorize cancellation of the lien. Acceptance Loan Co., Inc. v. S. White Transp., Inc. (In re S. White Transp., Inc.), 2013 BL 207801 (5th Cir. Aug. 5, 2013). 5th Circuit has decided that in order for a lien to be deemed extinct by plan it “requires more than mere passive receipt of effective notice” of the chapter 11 case.” 6 The role of lienholder creditors on the bankruptcy procedure (and the nature of the problem). Lienholder creditors, unlike secured creditors, participate in the plan and vote as a specific class. This class must approve the plan by a dual count - most of its members and most of the credits, in both cases counted among those present in the assembly. As mentioned, most times this class is composed of a few creditors (usuallybanks or other lender entities) with a prevalent creditor14 (a creditor that has most or a very relevant percentage of the total amount of credits in the class). It is true a creditor in such circumstances has a lot of leverage to negotiate with debtor. His rejection vote can by itself mean rejection of the plan and subsequent liquidation of the company. On the other hand, it is also true that lienholder creditors will have an incentive to approve well- conceived plans, as these will permit recovery of the debt and the possibility of repeated financial operations in the future, while a liquidation might mean that the creditor would only partially recover its credit1516. Whatever the factual circumstances, which vary from case to case, the law does not make voting rights contingent on or limited by the number or relative importance of creditors in the class. Under the 2005 bankruptcy law, the vote is valid, either ‘Aye’ (confirm) or ‘Nay’(reject). This system creates an incentive structure in which debtor has to produce a plan at least good enough to convince the prevalent creditor that he´ll be better off approving it than if the firm were liquidated. Rejecting the plan may mean a real risk of receiving only partially (or nothing at all) his credit. The law does not require creditors to justify their votes, but some judges (and appeals courts) have developed a theory according to which some lienholder creditor rejection votes (or some prevalent unsecured creditor votes, if that is the case) may be considered abusive and will not be counted. They have applied that theory to a number 14 As a few of the analyzed cases show there may be a prevalent creditor even in the unsecured creditor class. This, however, happens less frequently. When it does happen, however, the same problems exist. 15 In case of liquidation, debts incurred during reorganization, court and legal fees and labor credits have absolute priority over lienholder credits. 16 This is in line with the study by Oreng, Mariana, Saito, Richard e Silva, Vinícius A.B (2019) on bank behavior in bankruptcies in Brazil, which shows that notwithstanding the fact that banks usually are prevalent creditors with privileges and priority in case of liquidation, they´ll vote for confirmation of plans in the vast majority of cases. 7 of cases (and the sample I gathered show a growing trend). There are at least two major problems with this interpretation of the law. First, from a purely legal perspective, there is no statutory basis for considering abusive a vote freely cast by a lienholder or prevalent creditor. Second, and even more pernicious than the first one to the bankruptcy system’s logic, is that judge’s disregard of rules have not shown to be efficient. Under a belief of ‘preserving the corporation’ (supposedly against lienholders, secured and other prevalent creditors’ egoistical or predatory behavior), judges allow non-viable corporations to continue doing business. In most, if not all cases, this continuance of business has occurred on a pathological manner. The supervisory mechanisms contained in Brazilian Law are not efficient to prevent opportunistic behavior by management and control. Debtors do not restructure and go on defaulting. Maintaining afloat a pathological operation may benefit company officers and controlling shareholders, but hurts creditors, competition, market and society in general17. The aftermath of the cases I have analyzed show just that, and I´ll show what have been the consequences and why, although the consequences are unintended, they are not surprising. Case selection and methodology. Analysis method and sample. I analyze a sample composed of all cases where abuse of vote by creditors was argued in State courts of the country’s six largest economies18. São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná and Santa Catarina. 17 Writing about a different situation with some similarities, Akerlof and Romer (1993) affirm: “Once owners have decided that they can extract more from a firm by maximizing their present take, any action that allows them to extract more currently will be attractive-even if it causes a large reduction in the true economic net worth of the firm. A dollar in increased dividends today is worth a dollar to owners, but a dollar in increased future earnings of the firm is worth nothing because future payments accrue to the creditors who will be left holding the bag. As a result, bankruptcy for profit can cause social losses that dwarf the transfers from creditors that the shareholders can induce. Because of this disparity between what the owners can capture and the losses that they create, we refer to bankruptcy for profit as looting.” It may even be that sometimes the firm is kept afloat without any wanton intent by controlling shareholders and management without the extraction of dividends or extraordinary compensation, simply because they believe they’ll be able to turnaround the operation and make it generate positive earnings. That’s a gamble that may pay-off if successful but will mean lots of social losses – and probably no private losses – if it turns out a failure. 18 Brazil has 27 states. Bankruptcy Law is federal law, but cases are tried in State Courts. I intend to expand the research to all Courts. 8 Cases were selected in Courts’ databases (www.tjsp.jus.br, www.tjrj.jus.br, www.tjmg.jus.br, www.tjrs.jus.br, www.tjpr.jus.br and www.tjsc.jus.br). These databases contain all decisions rendered by the several organs of the Court. The search used the terms ‘recuperação+judicial+voto abusivo’ (judicial+reorganization+abusive vote) and ‘recuperação+judicial+abuso de voto’ ((judicial+reorganization+abuse of vote). It was necessary to analyze the entirety of the votes (which included reading the entire report and findings), to make sure the controversial issue (abuse of voting rights) had been discussed by court19. This information could not be extracted with the use of software20. The analysis was executed by me in a period of approximately 4 months prior to the completion of the essay. In total the search turned 137 (one hundred and thirty seven) matches, which after refinement were narrowed to 31 (thirty one) cases where abuse of vote was discussed and 22 (twenty two) where the ‘abusive vote’ theory was applied. The break-down by state is as follows. In São Paulo, the search turned 71 matches. It was found that in only 13 cases there was a discussion about abuse of vote, and only 9 (nine) referred to situations where a vote was considered abusive and disregarded. In another, it was said obiter dictum that the vote was abusive, but this was not considered on the final decision; in another three the alleged abuse came from unsecured creditors (in one situation the vote for the rejection of the plan deemed abusive by the debtor was found to be valid by the Court, in one it was annulled because money had been asked ‘on the side’ for the vote) and in another the alleged abuse was rejected by Court, which affirmed that creditors can vote ‘Aye’ or ‘Nay’ for the plan. Out of the nine where a rejected plan was confirmed by Court based on abuse of vote, three refer to the same case (three different appeals from three different creditors against the same decision), so the São Paulo sample is composed of seven decisions that confirmed a plan rejected by creditors. 19 The terms searched could also be used on different matters. 20 As Marcelo Guedes Nunes (Jurimetria, Saraiva, 2016, p. 174) points out: “Statistics research has always been dependent on data collection. Collecting data is undoubtedly the most expensive part of any research, because it depends on contracting, training and supervising the work of several field researchers, available to travel todifferent places, which, through interviews and form filling, will obtain the necessary data. Costs related to data collection were deterrent to a national level research, considering the amount of researchers needed to collect data” [translation by author, original text in Portuguese]. http://www.tjsp.jus.br/ http://www.tjmg.jus.br/ http://www.tjrs.jus.br/ http://www.tjpr.jus.br/ http://www.tjsc.jus.br/ 9 In Rio de Janeiro the search turned out 12 matches, which after analysis were reduced to 4 decisions. In one of them the Appeals Court discussed the abuse of vote doctrine but decided that creditors rejecting the plan had not abused their vote. In this case, however, rather than ordering liquidation, the Appeals Court simply annulled the plan clause that had motivated the rejection vote. In other three cases lienholder creditors that voted for rejection of the plan had their votes disregarded as abusive. In Minas Gerais the search turned out 5 matches, 4 of which were appeals against the same court decision, meaning that the matter was discussed in 2 cases. In one of them the claim of abuse was rejected and in the other the appeal was submitted by a relevant lienholder creditor that did not participate in the assembly21. In Rio Grande do Sul, the search turned out 8 matches, but only two of them discussed abuse of voting rights by creditors. In both the vote by prevalent creditors (creditors representing majority of the credits of a class) was disregarded and plan was confirmed. In one of the cases, plan rejection had come from the unsecured creditors’ class and a vote by a creditor representing 86% of the credits of that class was disregarded. In Paraná, out of 32 matches, on only four situations abuse of vote was discussed. In only one case a vote by a creditor was disregarded. In other situation, the court concluded for the validity of votes cast by 10 unsecured creditors and confirmed liquidation. In other two situations, Court considered valid the votes for the rejection of the plan, but ordered that a new plan be presented by debtor, rather than liquidation. In Santa Catarina, the search turned out 9 matches. After said analysis, it turned out 3 (three) decisions referred to situations where there was a discussion about abuse of vote. In 3 decisions the votes by lienholder creditors rejecting the plan were considered abusive and the plan was confirmed, in two decisions rejection votes were not considered abusive but the ruling was not (as the law requires) to liquidate the debtor, but rather that a new plan be presented. The analysis shows a growing trend in discussions about abuse of voting power. The years from 2005 (enactment of the law) to 2009 saw no claim of abusive votes. In 2009, the first year when the thesis (abuse of voting rights) was discussed, there were two 21 In that case, notwithstanding the fact that the creditor had objected to the plan prior to the assembly, his intention to reject the plan was not considered because it did not participate in the assembly, which is procedurally correct. I could not have access to the presence list from the assembly, this is what is alleged in the reasoning of the Appeals Court vote. 10 cases. One each for 2010,2011 and 2013, none on 2012 and 2014, 3 in 2015, 2016 and 2017, 5 in 2018 and 8 in 2019. While absolute numbers are not that expressive, we can see that there is a constant and growing trend of court decisions allowing for reorganization when the plan is rejected. This is contrary to the Bankruptcy Act’s text, which expressly preconizes that rejection of the plan shall be followed by liquidation of the distressed company. This clearly indicates that judges and courts are not ‘following the law’ in that aspect. The foundations of the ‘abusive vote’ doctrine. The sample above shows clearly that judges ignore the law, but how do they justify what they are doing? Well, one introductory remark is that judges do not think they are ignoring or acting against the law, or at least do not expressly recognize it. In their view, a vote is only valid if it fits a frame composed by general, open and vague concepts contained on the Civil Code22. The analysis of the court reports show that judges consider votes abusive based on a belief that preserving the corporation is a socially better option than liquidating it and that prevalent creditors that oppose plans which obtain reasonable support from unsecured creditors act egotistically and against the bankruptcy law stated goals of reorganization. On judges’ view, it is not them that are breaking the law, it is creditor(s) that are acting against it. What constitutes abuse? To answer that question, it is worth looking at a few selected cases where the reasoning for the application of the ‘abuse of vote’ doctrine was applied. The first time the abusiveness thesis was applied the São Paulo State Court decided as follows23: Reorganization. Plan approved by unanimous vote of labor creditors and majority of unsecured creditors, rejected by the single lienholder creditor – 22 Especially article 187 of the Brazilian Civil Code, which states: “Article 187 - The holder of a right, upon which exercise, exceeds clearly the limits imposed by their economic or social order, good faith or morals, commits an unlawful act.” 23 Appellate court decisions are formatted according to a structure that begins by the ‘ementa’, a summary of key arguments, issues, words and findings. Sometimes the matter discussed is all contained in the ‘ementa’ (in a short version). Then comes the brief of facts, which is mandatory and consists of a summary of case facts and events, followed by the legal reasoning and the findings. The citation above is the translated ‘ementa’. 11 Approval of plan by the local judge – Intermediary appeal by a third creditor (not the lienholder) — Requirements of inc II, § 1" of art. 58 (approval by 2 classes) – Fulfillment, as well, of the requirement of inc, I of § 1" of art. 58 (favorable vote of creditors representing more than half of all credits present in the assembly, all classes considered jointly) – Requisite of inc III of § 1" of art. 58 which will never be met in cases as this one, where there is one creditor only rejecting the plan, which consecrates ‘minority abuse’ – Hypothesis not considered by statute – Judge that, notwithstanding, fulfills that lacunae – Application of article 126 of the Federal Rules of Civil procedure – Decision upheld. Intermediary appeal denied24. The court found a few factors important. Among them, the unanimous vote of labor creditors, the majority vote of unsecured creditors and the fact that there was only one lienholder creditor. It then concluded that the single vote against confirmation would amount to ‘minority abuse’ and that the bankruptcy Act did not have a specific rule for situations like that, which would allow judges to intervene and solve the ‘anomy’ by calling on general principles of good faith. In a more recent case, involving a conglomerate famous for being part of the ‘carwash’ scandal, the plan was also rejected, this time with the opposing vote of a significant number of lienholder creditors (13) and of a few other non-secured creditors. Notwithstanding the expressive number of opposing creditors, the bankruptcy judge confirmed the plan, arguing that they had refused to negotiate and were acting in an “economically irrational” manner. His decision was upheld by the Appeals Court as follows: Reorganization. Plan confirmation. Cram down. Opposing vote considered abusive. Vote by creditors united by a syndicated loan representing almost half of the credits present in assembly. Plan feasibility considered as precondition to the exam of the abusiveness of the vote, as well as the argument that the plan isirrational and unfeasible. Existence of one sole and shaky asset, but one that has been allowing for relevant payments to labor creditors. Situation where creditors cannot demonstrate that liquidation would be better for them. (Mis)management of companies and embezzlement being investigated at the lower court level, what may result in court ordered substitution of management (art. 64 of the Law) without necessarily leading to liquidation. Intermediary appeal denied25. 24 São Paulo State Appeals Court, Intermediary appeal (Agravo de Instrumento) 9026505- 60.2009.8.26.0000; Reporter, Judge Romeu Ricupero; Judgement date, August 18th, 2009. 25 São Paulo State Appeals Court, Intermediary appeal (Agravo de Instrumento) 2082159- 10.2016.8.26.0000; Reporter, Judge Claudio Godoy; JUdgement date March 13th, 2017. 12 In this case, the key factor seems to be the fact that the reorganizing company had non-operational revenues that were being used to pay employees, while the allegations of fraud were not enough to prevent the company to try its reorganization. Social considerations about consequences on employees are relevant, but in this case they seen to be weak, as labor creditors would have absolute priority over lienholders in case of liquidation. Another decision worth mentioning came from the State appeals Court of Santa Catarina Intermediary appeal. Reorganization. Plan approved by majority of labor and non- secured creditors. (classes 1 and 3 of art. 41 of Law 11.101/2005) and rejected by one creditor representing the majority of lienholder credits (Class 2). Non- attendance of the requirement of art. 45 of the Law, which requires plan approval by all classes. Court order that determines the liquidation of the companies. (art. 56, § 4º). Appeal by debtors, alleging abuse of voting power by lienholder creditor, holder of 71% of the credits of class 2., which makes cramdown application unlawful (art. 58, § 1º). Impossibility of judicial intervention against assembly’s sovereign decision. Absence, in case, of satisfactory and plausible reasoning by Appellee to show his considerable loss or harm to its banking activity. Individualistic position that does not justify the rejection to the proposals presented by debtors. Principle of the preservation of the company, with maintenance of production, or employment and interests of other creditors, which shall prevail. Evidence of abuse. Inspiration on the U.S originated cramdown, allowing for control of the assembly’s decision. Viability of the subsistence of the appealing companies properly shown. Appeal granted. Plan confirmed26. In this case, the 1st degree judge had ordered liquidation, but her decision was overruled by the Appeals chamber, which confirmed the rejected plan using, as main argument, the ‘absence (…)of satisfactory and plausible reasoning by Appellee to show his considerable loss or harm to its banking activity´ which represents a ‘individualistic position’. It is worth noting that the court didn´t seem to care to the fact that the law does not require creditor to demonstrate a probable loss as justification for his vote against the plan. The Superior Court of Justice upheld a decision from the São Paulo State appeals Court as follows: 26 Santa Catarina State Appeals Court, Intermediary appeal (Agravo de Instrumento) 2015.045438-8, Reporter Judge Ronaldo Moritz Martins da Silva, judgement date February 18th, 2016. 13 Special Appeal. Business Law. Reorganization.Plan. Court Approval. Cram down. Requirements of art. 58. § 1º, Law 11.101/2005. Exceptional mitigation. Possibility. Preservation of Corporation. 1. Law n° 11.101/2005, intent to avoid ‘minority abuse’ or ‘individualistic positions’ prevailing over the social interest of overcoming the corporate crisis, allowed for, on § 1º of article 58, a mechanism that authorizes the judge to confirm the plan, even against the assembly’s decision. (...) 4. In this case, the requirements of Inc. I e II of art. 58 were met, and, in what concerns the requirement of inc III, plan obtained ‘qualitative’ approval by lienholder creditors, because approved by more than half of the value of the credits present in the assembly, “3 lienholder creditors present, plan was accepted by one of them, holder of a credit equal to 97,46376% of the total debt of the class" (p. 130). However, it did not meet the quantitative requirement, because approved by one third of creditors of the class, while the law requires ‘more than one third’. Further, reorganization was approved on May 15th, 2009, being in full progress. 5. Thus, to avoid ‘abuse of the right of vote’ on the exact moment of the attempt to overcome the crisis the judge shall act sensibly on the analysis of cram down requirements, preferring an exam based on the principles of preservation of the corporation, opting to flex the requirements, especially when a lone creditor dominates absolutely the vote, overcoming what seems to be the communion of creditors’ interests. (....)27 Here the main argument is that when a creditor dominates absolutely the vote, voting against the opinion of most of the other creditors would be abusive. This is to say if a creditor has a relevant credit position in his class, he can only vote for confirmation. If we look at all the decisions that considered votes by prevalent creditors abusive, the same arguments – with little variation – will appear recurrently. There is a plethora of ‘legal’ arguments used by judges to disregard votes by relevant lienholder creditors. These include ‘failure to negotiate’, ‘failure to justify rejection vote’, ‘absence of demonstration that creditors would be better-off with liquidation28’ ‘abuse(?)’, ‘egotistical behavior29’, ‘bad faith conduct’ and others. 27 Brazil. Superior Court of Justice. REsp 1337989/SP, Reporter, Justice LUIS FELIPE SALOMÃO, Fourth Collegiate, Judgement date May 08th, 2018, Published in the Court Gazette on June 4th, 2018. 28 In these decisions, it is almost as if the courts wanted to apply a ‘best interest of creditors’ test. This is odd, because there is no such test in Brazilian law. In the U.S it is applied on behalf of creditors to deny reorganizations, not against creditors (for failing to make such a proof). 29 This can indeed be the case, from the viewpoint of a lienholder creditor with a claim over an asset valued higher than total debt. This is not forbidden by law and is purely rational. Oddly, while the literature suggests that secured or lienholder creditors are likely to act in that manner and prefer liquidation over reorganization, a study by Oreng, Saito and Silva with the analysis of 125 plans in Brazil has shown that there is very little ‘class conflict’. In Brazil, lienholder creditors tend to approve plans. They affirm: “Ayotte and Morrison (2009) argue that when senior creditors are oversecured, i.e., when their claims are worth 14 In addition to the legal arguments, other non-legal considerations play their parts. These include: a) a belief that ‘preserving companies’ represent/retain more social value than liquidation; b) a belief that lienholder creditors that reject plan approved by other classes vote in an egotistical and selfish manner; c) a belief that the public policy goals stated by the law will be better accomplished if the plan is confirmed by court, even if liquidation is the remedy prescribed by law. Was judicial activism efficient? As mentioned, the public policy goals promoted by the Bankruptcy Act are fostering the reorganization of distressed firms as going concerns, thus preserving jobs, production, assets’ value and maximizing creditors’ recovery. A successful reorganization, albeit hard to measure, is one that accomplishes such objectives30. Under the law’s original formula,creditors vote on the viability of the plan and judges can only confirm plans rejected by the assembly under strict cramdown conditions. It was the lawmakers clear desire to let creditors decide on the reorganization attempt. No audit, no economic assessment, no justification for voting is necessary or required under the bankruptcy Act provisions. We have seen that in some cases judges decided not to follow this set of rules and have justified their decision based on one or several of the reasons seem above. They less than the value of the firm’s assets, cases are more likely to result in liquidation, while the opposite holds when they are undersecured. In these cases, “creditor conflict is likely to be most pronounced” (p. 514). To see if this holds for our cases, we calculate the senior bank debt to residual value ratio, which averages 0.28 for the entire sample. Using a total senior debt/asset valuation ratio, the average value is 0.42. Both figures indicate that senior M. Oreng, R. Saito, V. A. B. Silva 14 creditors are oversecured. This result contrasts with Ayotte and Morrison’s argument, as our average reorganization approval ratio is 78%.” 30 Determining whether something, someone or some institution has failed or has been successful requires establishing standards and goals that are both objective and measurable. It is often a hard task, as Warren and Westbrook point: ‘The idea of success in an ongoing, viable business can be elusive. On the one hand, a confirmed plan does not guarantee a successful future for the business. The evidence that a number of companies return to Chapter 11 after confirming a reorganization plan suggests that not all business will enjoy smooth sailing post-bankruptcy. Even if a company does not soon return to the bankruptcy court, the definition of ‘success’ in this context is subject to considerable debate. How long does a company have to exist post- reorganization before it is deemed a ‘success’? Must it be alive for ten years? Five years? Two years? What if it shrinks in size? Must it be profitable all or part of that time to be a success? What if it is purchased in year three? These and many similar questions make it difficult to pinpoint what constitutes success following confirmation.” They also argue that ‘the claim of failure of Chapter 11 has been easy to make’ due to a couple of early studies that have used poor data and wrong methodology, but have reached widespread divulgation. 15 undoubtedly mean well31 but what have been the results of their interventions? Have companies that would otherwise been liquidated succeeded on their reorganization, preserving jobs and production output? Have credit recovery rates improved? Do creditors end up better than they would in case of immediate liquidation? I have looked at all the cases on the sample decided before 2018 (it is not possible to measure the effects of the 2018/2019 decisions yet) and the results are, to say the least, frustrating. Out of the 9 cases where plan was confirmed by judicial decision disregarding lienholder creditor votes opposing the plan, on 7 liquidation later was ordered. On all those, the reorganization was marked by several defaults on plan commitments32 during the attempted reorganization, tax and debt in general increased33, remaining assets lost value and several assets were sold along the process, without pre-reorganization creditors being paid. On the two cases that have not been converted into liquidation, there are several allegations of default on plan commitments. Judicial activism backfired. In the cases where liquidation was ordered (77%), jobs were not protected (at least not on the long-term), asset value decreased, production output was not preserved (at least not on the long term), distressed debtors increased their debt, pre-bankruptcy creditors recovered very little or none of their credit34. All or almost all cases where plan was rejected by lienholder or prevalent unsecured creditor vote and confirmed by court before 2017 ended up in liquidation. Given the reality of the two cases where liquidation was (to present date) not ordered, it is quite possible that a well conducted liquidation would have generated more social value than the continuance of reorganization. Explaining the failure of judicial activism (and why it matters). It seems unquestionable that the results of judicial activism disregarding votes and confirming plan have not been those expected. But why? Could that failure have been 31 This good intention is presumed but can also be seen on the reasoning of most decisions. Judges expressly mention that preserving the company (rather than liquidating it) is ordered because it is socially better. 32 See appendix 2 chart for the list of analyzed cases. 33 It is not possible to measure job preservation, but labor debt increased in most cases. 34 It is not possible to measure creditors’ expenses in the bankruptcy process (this would include not only court fees, but internal costs as well), but this is certainly another number to add in terms of social losses. The literature on bankruptcy costs is very interesting. In the United States, Bris, Welch and Zu (2006) analyzed costs for 225 reorganization and 61 liquidations. In Brazil, Jupetique, Martins, Mario and Carvalho (2017) studied the costs of 29 reorganizations and 102 liquidations. 16 foreseen? I believe the causes for failure can be explained and could have been foreseen by judges, provided they had at least basic knowledge of what makes a firm effectively reorganize and a better understanding of who was in a better position to assess the likelihood of a successful reorganization. It is important to understand that the set of non-legal reasons35 why judges ignore the law – and growingly continue to do so - is twofold. On the one side, an extensive belief in preserving the corporation without caring for the social costs; on the other, they lack knowledge about business management and also about the factors that make reorganization successful or flawed. There is an important context for that judicial stand, and in order to understand that context, one has to go back in time. Brazil’s bankruptcy laws and practice have historically led to a scenario where credit recovery has been very low36. Bankruptcy procedures before the new law were fertile grounds for frauds and other illicit acts37. The 2005 bankruptcy act specifically intended to improve credit recovery and end the fraudulent debtor behavior prior and during the procedure, by radically changing the architecture of rules. One of these changes was putting a high priority in creditor protection. This made a lot of sense, as a high degree of creditor protection is very important for the credit market in general. Jacopo Ponticelli38 affirms that: “Weak protection of creditors is an important source of financial frictions (La Porta et al., 1997; Demirgüç-Kunt and Maksimovic, 1998; Djankov et al., 2007). In an attempt to improve firms’ access to external finance, emerging economies such as Brazil, China, and Russia have recently introduced new bankruptcy laws increasing the legal protection of creditors. In the same direction, Araújo, Ferreira and Funchal (2012) affirm: The evidence in the literature indicates the relevance of creditors’ legal protection in supporting the development of credit markets. However, as stated by Djankov et al. (2008), institutions that regulate insolvency usually perform poorly, mainly in developing countries. This happens because bankruptcy 35 A brief explanation of the legal reasons was offered earlier in this paper. 36 There is no credible study of recovery rates (cents on the dollar) prior to 2005, but some estimates go as low as 6 cents per dollar. The World Bank Doing Business Report only startedmeasuring cents per dollar recovery in Brazil in 2014. 37 Many commentators criticize the old law. Adriana Valéria Pugliese (Direito falimentar e preservação da empresa, 2013) says that because the old system did not allow for consideration of other specificities of debtor´s situation nor allowed for offering of conditions other than those strictly prescribed in the law, viable companies had no space for proposing adequate measures for its problems and inviable companies would freely postpone liquidation, keeping themselves in the market while increasing harm to its competitors. 38 Court enforcement and firm productivity: evidence from a bankruptcy reform in Brazil, 2014, access at 17 procedures in these countries are often extremely inefficient (too long and costly) and secured creditors rights are not well protected. The bankruptcy act intended to improve creditor protection, but law on paper is just ink on paper if not properly enforced. Jacopo Ponticelli also warns that: One aspect often overlooked when assessing the potential benefits of these reforms is that, to be effective, they need proper and timely enforcement by courts. Judicial enforcement, however, is seldom well-functioning in many developing countries, where courts in charge of bankruptcy cases are characterized by limited expertise and long delays (Dakolias, 1999; Djankov et al., 2008). In such cases, even an otherwise desirable improvement in bankruptcy rules can prove ineffective”. On the other hand, the Bankruptcy Act also put a lot of importance in preserving viable corporations, without defining what a viable corporation is or means. It is fair to say that the legislator’s intention was to strike a careful balance between preservation of the corporation and creditors’ right. Theoretically, creditors gained a lot of power (if compared to the previous procedure) and debtors would have to submit viable, carefully drafted, convincing plans, containing relevant turnaround measures, to obtain a trust vote (approval) from creditors. Araújo, Ferreira and Funchal (2012) state: This new design of Brazilian bankruptcy procedures brings new incentives to the interested parties. The incentive for debtors to default strategically is reduced, for two main reasons: first, the conditions under which debtors can file for bankruptcy are limited to those prescribed by law; and second, a reorganization procedure can be converted to liquidation at creditors’ discretion, a feature that nearly eliminates the use of reorganization as a bargaining mechanism. (…) The new bankruptcy law design encourages lenders to participate in bankruptcy procedures more actively, eliminating the need to extend only short-term debt as a discipline mechanism and leading, after the reform, to a debt structure with longer maturity (see Diamond, 2004). They actually measured some promising results in the early years of the law, including an increase in debtor-in-possession financing and a reduction on the cost of debt financing: In fact, point estimates indicate an increase of 17.8% in total debt and of 74% in long-term debt. There is no evidence of changes in short-term debt (regression 18 2), and a significant fall in trade credit. We did not expect a big increase in this type of credit, since its holders were not benefitted by the new law as were secured creditors. In fact, the need for trade credit falls as the availability of debt financing increases. Finally, regression 5 suggests a reduction of approximately 16% in the cost of debt financing. These results are in line with the theoretical literature on credit (Aghion and Bolton, 1992; Hart and Moore, 1994, 1998; Scott, 1977; Townsend, 1979). Creditors now have a higher chance of recovering a larger portion of their loans. And the more they expect to receive when their debtors become insolvent, the less they will require firms to pay while still solvent, and the more they will be willing to lend. Thus, these are signs that the Brazilian bankruptcy reform had a positive effect on the supply of credit. We also have results on debt maturity. Notice that long-term debt increases while short-term debt remains stable, leading to a higher proportion of long-term debt in the average firm's capital structure. This result is somewhat similar to what both Qian and Strahan (2007) and Bae and Goyal (2009) found. While their conclusion intuitively made sense – and it was supported by a general change on the behavior of debtors immediately after the law – the ‘essentiality test’, ‘the abuse of vote’ doctrine and other judicial constructions have twisted the scale in favor of debtors. I don´t have the statistics on what happened to the supply of credit in the years after Araujo et al published their paper, or if credit supply has been affected by judicial behavior concerning approval of rejected plans based on abuse of vote39. While the growing number of court confirmations based on the abusive vote doctrine is cause for worry, it is important to mention that to date there continues to be a substantive rate of plan approval within the law. Waisberg, Sacramone, Nunes and Corrêa (2019) mention that in the state of São Paulo 17% (seventeen percent) of attempted reorganizations (filed from January 2010 to July 2017) fail and are converted to liquidation before plan vote. 72% (seventy two percent) of the plans are approved (either by creditor assembly or without it) and plans in 11% (eleven percent) of the submissions are rejected by the creditors’ assembly. Out of the rejected plans (33), 22 were approved by cram down. While it’s not clear if the authors 39 It is worth noting that it would be very difficult to establish a direct causal relation between the uprising of the abuse of vote doctrine and an increase in the cost of credit and/or a reduction on long-term debt. Brazil has undergone a harsh recession from 2014 until 2017 and a significant increase in the Federal Government’s deficit, with country risk increasing, all leading to an increase in the overall interest rates in the economy. Cause cannot be inferred, but there’s an obvious correlation. 19 of the study count ‘abusive vote’ approval within their ‘cram down’ classification, it is unquestionable that most plans are approved with observance of statutory rules. The study by Oreng, Saito and Silva show that in the great majority of cases lienholder creditors will vote for confirmation of plans. It seems that, contrary to Ayotte and Morrison’s findings (2009) for the United States, in Brazil lienholder creditors will prefer to participate in the reorganization rather than to push for liquidation. If that is so, why did they vote for rejection of the plan in the analyzed cases? One possible explanation is that lienholder creditors feared that, because the plan did not contain effective turnaround measures, the likely outcome of reorganization was future liquidation, with a reduction on expected recovery, due to the fact there would be new creditors with higher priority (those that conceded credit during the reorganization), that direct costs of bankruptcy would accrue and that pledged assets would lose value. This is supported by our research on financials of debtors which had their plan rejected. They all were in very poor financial health upon submission of their requests, showing continuous operational losses40. These are characteristics that generally indicate that these firms were not suitable for reorganization. Other reasons had to do with management. Change of management is many times relevant for the turnaround. It is a complex situation, but there seems to be a correlation between management changes and effective improvement of operational indexes in the 40 Oliver Lukason and Artjom Urbanik (Why reorganizationof firm fails: evidence from Estonia) affirm: “When coming to firm specific factors, failed reorganization is often connected with failed turnaround (Chowdhury 2002, Sheppard and Chowdhury 2005). Failed reorganizations are linked to wrong timing of turnaround and wrong turnaround activities to overcome problems, namely firms tend to start reorganization at a too late stage and deal more with operational problems rather than initiating strategic reorientation (Chowdhury 2002, Sudarsanam and Lai 2001, Barker III and Duhaime 1997). Several studies also consider the suitability of firms for reorganization and also the success of reorganization based on past financial ratios. Laitinen (2011) showed that most firms under reorganization are not viable. Also, evidence has been provided that financial ratios might not be good discriminators of successful and failed reorganizations (Poston et al. 1994, Laitinen 2009). Unsuccessful reorganizations can be connected with different financial patterns, as it has been shown that firms go through different failure processes (Laitinen 1991, Lukason 2012). Still, at least some financial indicators are very poor in case of unsuccessfully reorganized firms (Kärkinen 2010).” 20 reorganization period4142. Fowler Monteiro and Qaleman, in their empirical research of nine publicly traded companies in Brazil, show that, the better the (EBIDTA) of the reorganizing corporation, the higher the changes on managements on the period shortly before the reorganization filing. This may seem counterintuitive but has a simple explanation – the effective commitment of these companies operationally viable but financially distressed with an effective turnaround is bigger than the one show by operationally inviable companies43. All the companies that had its plans rejected did not offer change of management as one of the reorganization measures. Most were family owned firms that intended to continue being managed within the family. Firms that had their plans rejected had all three of the following: mismanagement, operational losses, very poor financial statements. Besides, their submitted plans did not 41 Guilherme Fowler A. Monteiro, Silvia Morales Q. Caleman, BANKRUPTCY REORGANIZATION PLANS: STRATEGIC COMPONENTS, MANAGEMENT CHANGE, AND FIRM PERFORMANCE, They affirm: “This may be one relevant mechanism behind the empirical observation that successful turnarounds involve the change of managers (Baldiga, 1996; Daily, 1995; Denning, Ferris, & Lawless, 2001; Hofer, 1980; Hotchkiss, 1995; O’Neill, 1986). This same fact may be associated to the influence reorganization plans have on the performance of the firm. The reasoning is straightforward. A new manager must create an interpretation of the firm's past and such interpretation will be expressed in the reorganization plan. The higher the ability of the manager in reframing the past and thinking on new strategies, the more complete the reorganization plan and, subject to execution, the higher the probability that the firm will recover. In the opposite case, when the leaders of the company undergoing bankruptcy reorganization remain in the firm, they may better describe the strategic components of the company, which eventually leads to a comprehensive reorganization plan; however, there is not a guarantee that they will be able to reinterpret the past and visualize new strategic perspectives.” 42 See also Oreng, Mariana, Saito, Richard e Silva, Vinícius A.B. Bank responses to corporate reorganization: evidence from an emerging economy. BAR − Brazilian Administration Review Maringá, PR, Brazil, v. 16, n. 1, art. 3, e180053, 2019 http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-7692bar2019180053 “Even though we had access to only a few balance sheet figures from the companies we covered, we verify that the most important issue seems to be mismanagement and not problems with the law itself.” 43 They affirm: “Among the companies with positive EBITDA variation, there is a significant renewal of the board of directors during the reorganization bankruptcy process. In company 6, there was the resignation of two board members after the company's entry into bankruptcy. In company 3, only one member remained in the board after the start of the reorganization bankruptcy process. Regarding the group of companies with negative variation in EBITDA, companies 4, 7, 8 and 9 show a rate higher than 80% of members remaining on the board of directors. In the case of company 4, all members of the board of directors remained in their positions until the change of the firm's shareholding control, which caused the replacement of all board members. Only company 3 had members resign before the start of the reorganization bankruptcy process. The companies with positive EBITDA variation also show greater renewal in the members of its board of executive officers. At company 2, the CEO was fired, and at company 5, the chief financial officer resigned six months before the request for reorganization bankruptcy. Most of the companies in the group with negative EBITDA variation, on the other hand, do not present executive board changes before or after the beginning of the bankruptcy reorganization process. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-7692bar2019180053 21 have convincing and effective turnaround measures. It is just rational and reasonable that creditors that could get something out of liquidation voted for it44. Could judges have known in advance that these firms whose plans were rejected by prevalent creditor votes were very likely to fail on their reorganization attempts? They could if they were aware of the literature and research on why reorganization fail or succeed, the sort of knowledge judges are not expected nor required to have. This is no excuse for the failed activism, rather another reason why judges should have respected statute and deferred the decision to those more suited to do it – the creditors. The fact that statute clearly specifies that it is exclusively a creditor’s decision is also a strong argument against the failed activism45. There is no evidence in the cases analyzed that viable plans were rejected because egotistic behavior and interest of prevalent creditors. Hypothetically, this could be the case, but there is absolutely no evidence of that on any decision disregarding votes. The feasibility of the plan was never a subject of analysis by the decision that disregarded the votes. Judges disregarded the votes of lienholder creditors (and of a few unsecured creditors as well) based exclusively on the vague concepts we have mentioned and that a relevant number of unsecured creditors voted for approval (the rational thing for them to do!). At best, disregarding votes was a shot in the dark. Judges had absolutely no information – and probably didn´t try to acquire it – allowing them to assess or conclude that confirmation of the plan was socially46 better than the one adopted by the assembly (rejecting the plan). Judges had absolutely no idea whether the plan was feasible or not, if companies were operationally viable (had positive earnings) or could become operationally viable. Judges had no possibility (and probably not even interest) to apply 44 Again, confirmation of bad plans by unsecured creditors makes sense, as present residual value of assets in case of liquidation will be negative for their class. 45 It is important to bear in mind that Brazil’s bankruptcy act is less complex than the U.S bankruptcy Code, at least for the issue under consideration. There are no requirements concerning firm valuation, which seems to be a hot topic in U.S bankruptcy (see Ayotte and Morrison, 2018). By law, distressed companies reorganize if their creditors agree to it (confirm the plan) and liquidate if they reject the plan. Simple as that. While this seems to put a lot of powerinto creditor’s hands, the fact – as seen by the analyzed cases – is that plans, even those poorly conceived, are likely to be approved by creditors. 46 By socially I mean the net result of all costs and benefits incurred by creditors and other stakeholders. If decision A (to allow for reorganization) would mean a lesser net result (such as a negative result) than decision B (to order liquidation), then decision B would be socially preferable. 22 a test like the ‘economic viability’ proposed by Allan Schwarz47 to determine when firms should be liquidated and when they should reorganize: “such a {insolvent} firm may be experiencing economic distress, financial distress or both. A firm that is experiencing economic distress cannot earn revenues sufficient to cover its costs, exclusive of financing costs. A firm in financial distress would have positive earnings were it not required to service its debt. Since the amount that firms borrow is sunk when insolvency occurs, a firm’s debt is irrelevant to the question whether the firm should be continued or not. It then follows that economically distressed firms should be liquidated because these firms have negative economic value. Firms that are only financially distressed, however, should be continued as economic entities, with their debts canceled or rescheduled.” It can be argued that under the bankruptcy Act rules such analysis is not formally required. Debtor does not need to demonstrate that the operation generates positive earnings, being only momentously financially distressed. However, plan should demonstrate that if current operation is not generating positive earnings, it will be reinvented and reorganized to start generating earnings within a certain time frame. Based on that information, creditors should vote for confirmation of a plan presented by a viable company and for rejection of a non-viable plan. Creditors are better suited than judges to execute such judgements, even if they haven´t in practice being doing it. I have mentioned in a previous work48 that the current structure leads to the approval of weak plans, as unsecured creditors are most likely to vote for confirmation, considering the value they see in liquidation is zero49, a finding that is confirmed by Oreng, Saito and Silva’s recent work50. As undesirable as this is, this current reality works against judicial activism, not in favor of it, because it shows that bad 47 Alan Schwarz. The law and economics approach to corporate bankruptcy. Doutrinas essenciais: Direito empresarial. Volume VI, p. 26-27 48 Silva Neto, Orlando, An Analysis of Reorganizing Bankruptcies in Brazil: Assessing and Understanding Failure or Success. (May 17, 2017). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3095529 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3095529 49 This is due to the fact that reorganization requests come from when debt is overwhelming and is usually several times higher than the value of assets or even that of the firm as a going concern. 50 They affirm: “In contrast, when plans were approved but there was no conflict, junior banks were so out of the money (10.87) that a conflict did not seem justifiable, as their expectation of recovery was minimal. In these cases, companies were significantly more leveraged. Nevertheless, the reorganization was approved, possibly because senior creditors were only slightly out of the money and had some expectation of credit recovery. The approval of such reorganizations may be an indication of inefficiency in the reorganization process, as these highly leveraged companies are less likely to recover from financial distress. Unfortunately, we do not have financial statement figures to offer additional analysis on this topic.” https://ssrn.com/abstract=3095529 https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3095529 23 plans are approved. Only horrible, really unconvincing plans are rejected. Judicial confirmation of lousy plans presented by mismanaged companies with ongoing operational losses could only produce the negative effects I have demonstrated. Conclusion. Court’s disregard of rules has not shown to be efficient. Under a belief of ‘preserving the corporation’ (supposedly against lienholders’ and secured creditors’ egoistical or predatory behavior), judges allow non-viable corporations to continue doing business on a pathological manner. The supervisory mechanisms contained in Brazilian Law are not efficient to prevent opportunistic behavior by management and control. Maintaining afloat a pathological operation may benefit company officers and controlling shareholders, but hurts creditors, competition and the market in general. The current structure of the bankruptcy rules will likely lead to confirmation of bad plans, with only the really flawed reorganization plans being rejected. I analyzed docket documents, including trustees’ reports, minutes of creditors’ meeting and other financial documents of companies that went into reorganization, had their plan rejected by creditors but obtained confirmation due to judge´s decision disregarding creditors’ vote. The sample was obtained by selecting court records found using ‘keyword’ search out of Courts’ electronic database. My findings are that the corporations that had its plan confirmed by judicial decision with disregard to lienholder creditors’ opposing vote have mostly been liquidated at a later date, with higher debt and less assets, resulting in a credit recovery rate much lower than if immediate (after plan refusal) liquidation had taken place. In the meantime their reorganization attempts have been marked by (several) breaches of plan payments and several of them by criminal conducts. Activist court´s good intentions led to higher social losses than immediate liquidation, what was foreseeable. Bibliography. Akerlof, George and Romer, Paul. Looting: the economic underworld of bankruptcy for profit. 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Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3095529 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3095529 Waisberg, Ivo, Sacramone, Marcelo Guedes Nunes, Marcelo and Corrêa. Recuperaçaõ judicial no Estado de São Paulo – 2ª fase. Available at: https://abj.org.br/wp- content/uploads/2019/04/Recuperacao_Judicial_no_Estado_de_Sao_Pa.pdf Warren, Elizabeth & Westbrook, Jay L. The Success of Chapter 11: A Challenge to the Critics, 107 Mich. L. Rev. 603 (2009). Available at: http://repository. Law.umich.edu/mlr/vol107/iss4/2. White, Michelle J. 1989. "The Corporate Bankruptcy Decision." Journal of Economic Perspectives, 3 (2): 129-151. Appendix 1 São Paulo State Appeals Court Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2019 22565307920188260000 SPAC, Azuma Nishi 21817308020188260000 SPAC, Araldo Telles Dissenting opinion by R. Negrão 22348455020178260000 SPAC, Araldo Telles 20242438120178260000 20242048420178260000 20236582920178260000 SPAC, Francisco Loureiro The three appeals refer to the same reorganization decision https://doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2016.13746abstract http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1807-7692bar2019180053 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3095529 https://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3095529 https://abj.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Recuperacao_Judicial_no_Estado_de_Sao_Pa.pdf https://abj.org.br/wp-content/uploads/2019/04/Recuperacao_Judicial_no_Estado_de_Sao_Pa.pdf http://repository/ 26 20057776820198260000 SPAC, Fortes Barbosa Appeal report refers to potential abusive vote but overrules lower court decision to confirm plan based on a different reason. 2018 2120128252017826 SPAC, Alexandre Marcondes The abuse of vote was rejected, but liquidation was not ordered 22219015020168260000 SPAC, Vote by non-secured creditor holding majority of credits not considered abusive 20730908020188260000 SPAC, Cesar CIampolini Vote by non secured majority considered abusive because evidence that they had required money ‘on the side’ 2017 20821591020168260000 SPAC, Claudio Godoy Vote by a number of lienholder creditors 2016 2015 2014 2013 0308398- 77.2011.826.0000 SPAC, ?????? Abuse of vote by creditor was alleged, but denied by Appeals Court 2012 2011 2010 02827592820098260000 SPAC, Romeu Ricupero Claim of abusive vote by unsecured creditors 2009 90245161920098260000 SPAC, Romeu Ricupero 03429252620098260000 SPAC, Romeu Ricupero Rio de Janeiro State Court of Appeals Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2019 0041255- 69.2019.8.19.0000 RJAC, Eduardo Gusmão Alves de Brito Neto. The abuse of vote was rejected, but liquidation was not ordered 2018 0052546372017819000 RJAC, Heleno Ribeiro Pereira Nunes 2017 00602114120168190000 RJAC, Guaraci de Campos Vianna Abuse of vote, sole creditor in class 2011 0037321- 84.2011.8.19.0000 RJAC, Milton Fernandes de Souza Minas Gerais State Court of Appeals Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2016 09896102920148130000 MGAC, Sandra Fonseca Reject allegation of abusive vote 2015 08106808620148130000 MGAC, Marcelo Rodrigues Appeal by lienholder creditor that did not participate in the assembly. 27 Rio Grande do Sul Appeals Court Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2019 70081591422 RSAC, Jorge Pereira Gailhard. 2017 70074642323 RSAC, Lusmary Fatima Turelly da Silva Claim of abusive vote by 2 unsecured creditors out of 12 present in assembly, representing 86% of the credits in the class; bankruptcy trustee’s opinion for feasibility of plan; dissenting vote by Gailhard. Paraná State Court of Appeals Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2019 0049645- 46.2018.8.16.000 PRAC, Marcelo Gobbo Dalla Dea The abuse of vote was rejected. 2018 1738913-8 PRAC, Rui Bacelar Filho Abuse of vote, because it assumed reorganization to be viable, as company had active contracts. 2016 1532949-0 PRAC, Tito Campos de Paula Abuse of vote was rejected, 10 creditor in the unsecured creditors class rejected the plan. 2015 1293930-7 PRAC, Espedito Rui Amaral Abuse of vote was rejected, but liquidation was not ordered Santa Catarina State Court of Appeals Year appeal was judged Appeal number Court/Reporter Comment 2019 4030391.13.2018.8.24.0090 SCAC, Abuse of vote was rejected, but liquidation was not ordered 2016 01509141420158240000 SCAC, Abuse rejected, plan rejection by unsecured creditors. 2015 2015.045438-8 SCAC, Ronaldo Moritz Martins Abuse of vote by lienholder creditor representing 71% of credits in the class Appendix 2 – Case number Court Aftermath Comment 2017 20821591020168260000
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