Phonemic Analysis of Suruí

Prévia do material em texto

Associação Internacional de Lingüística SIL – Brasil 
Anápolis – GO 
2009* 
By 
Willem Bontkes 
and 
Carolyn Bontkes 
Phonemic Analysis of Suruí 
Preliminary Version 
* This paper is essentially the same as the 1978 version made available 
as No. 088 of the Arquivo Lingüístico (Summer Institute of Linguistics, 
Brasília, DF); only the page size and numbering have been changed, 
and a few minor typographical errors corrected. 
 2 
 
 CONTENTS 
1. Introduction 
2. Phonetic charts 
3. Interpretation 
4. Suprasegmcntal features 
5. Charts of phonemes 
6. Evidence for phonemes 
7. Formational statement 
9. Distribution of phonemes 
 
 
Keys to symbols 
 " word-final means the final stop is unreleased. Elsewhere " indicates extra intensity. 
 _ under particular sounds, shows that the sound is fronted more than is considered normal. 
 ̋ indicates extra high pitch. 
 ~ indicates nasalization of a segment (except for its use with /ñ/). 
Other symbols are used as in Phonemics by Kenneth Pike (University of Michigan Press, 1947). 
 3 
1. Introduction 
The Suruí1 language is related to the Cinta Larga and Gavião languages, all of which 
have been classified by Aryon Rodrigues as Tupi-Mondé.2 The analysis presented here is a 
revision of the tentative phonemic analysis written in 1973. 
2. Phonetic charts 
2.1. Contoids 
p p" t t" tš k k" 
p̶̵ 
b mb d nd dž g 
b̶̵ b̶̵ g̶̵ 
m n ñ ŋ 
w w ř ř y ỹ 
w̟ w̟ řə řə ̃ 
 θ θl̶̵ š 
 d̶̵ l 
 
2.2. Vocoids 
i ĩ i̵ ĩ̵ 
i: ĩ: i̵: ĩ̵: 
e ẽ o õ 
e: ẽ: o: õ: 
ε ε 
ε: ε: 
 a ã 
 a: ã: 
 
3. Interpretation 
3.1. Unambiguous syllable patterns 
The following patterns occur in both stressed and unstressed syllables, and in both high and low 
pitch syllables. 
V [uàó'tìʔ] 'car' 
VC [lo ̅'béí ̵p"] 'clay pot' 
CV [bò'tε 'ʔ] 'finished' 
CVC ['ŋàp"] 'wasp' 
 
 4 
The following patterns are included to show that vocoid and contoid clusters occur across 
syllable boundaries. 
V.V [uà.ó.'tìʔ] 'car' 
C.C ['ŋóř.pã ̀ʔ] 'crab' 
 
3.2 Glides 
The segments [i] and. [u] , as well as their nasalized counterparts [ĩ] and [ũ], occur as 
on-glides to vocoids, and the oral and nasal [i] occurs as an off-glide to vocoids. (Oral and nasal 
[i] seems to occur only morpheme initially, or initial in repeated syllables.) From considerations 
of timing and pitch, sequences of [iV], [Vi], and [uV] (both oral and nasal) are contained within 
a single syllable. That is, they are shorter in timing than bisyllabic VV sequences, and they carry 
only one pitch ([Vi] may sometimes show a tone glide), whereas bisyllabic VV sequences can 
carry two. 
[ʔì'áp"] 'handle' [ʔò'á:tàʔ] 'I lie down' 
[iáp"] 'arrow' ['uáθàʔ] 'tapir' 
['pá'làìʔ] 'we look at' 
[ʔì'kai̅ʔ] 'plant it' 
 
Therefore these glides are not interpreted as syllabic vocoids, nor as the second of two 
vocoids in a single syllable, since there are no unambiguous syllables containing a VV sequence. 
Also, sequences [iV], [Vi] and [uV] are not interpreted as a single V, because of the 
absence of word-initial sequences [CiV] and [CuV], and the corresponding absence of word-
final sequences [ViC]. Such word-initial and word-final sequences would otherwise be expected 
because of the existence of unambiguous word-initial syllables CV and the existence of 
unambiguous word-final syllables VC. 
[ka ̅'θářəʔ] ~ [ka̅'θář] 'macaw' 
[mε 'tõ ʔ] 'basket' 
[lo ̅'béí ̵p"] 'clay pot' 
[pà'óř] 'pretty' 
 
For the above reasons, word-initial vocoid on-glides and word-final vocoid off-glides are 
interpreted as contoids: [i] as the contoid. [y], and [u] as the contoid [w]. 
In word-medial instances, considerations of timing and pitch lead to the above conclusion 
that the glides are not syllabic. Further, since there are no sequences of two unambiguous 
contoids juxtaposed to any glide, the glides themselves are, as above, interpreted as the contoids 
[y] and [w]. Thus, there occur sequences of [VyV] and [V.wV] within a word. 
[ʔì:'péyàʔ] 'duck' ['ʔa ̅wì ̵řì ̵?] 'dog' 
['ʔõ ỹã ̀ʔ] 'my buttocks' ['ʔĩ w ã ̀ʔ] 'hole' 
 
 5 
Across syllable boundaries there also occur contoid clusters containing [y] and [w], but 
[y] never occurs final in a cluster, nor does [w] occur initial in a cluster, since it occurs only as an 
on-glide. That is, the only contoid clusters containing [y] and [w] are in sequences of the form 
[VyCV] or [VCwV] . 
[ʔòypò'í ̵p"tε ̀ʔ] 'whistle' ['wág'wágá?] 'sweeping' 
[ʔèy'kóbε ʔ] 'your chin' [?õ ̀w ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã ʔ] 'I talk' 
 
3.3. Prenasalized stops 
The sequences [mb| and [nd] may be interpreted as pre-nasalized stops NC or contoid 
clusters NC. 
3.3.1. Word-initial 
Because there are no unambiguous contoid clusters in word-initial position, the [mb] and 
[nd] are interpreted as pre-nasalized stops [mb] and [nd]. The intensity of the nasalization varies 
between speakers. 
['mbã ř ĩ ̀ʔ] is interpreted as ['mbã ř ĩ ̀] a proper name 
['ndàk"] is interpreted as ['ndàk"] 'pocket knife' 
 
3.3.2. Word-medial 
The [mb] and [nd] may be interpreted as either a sequence of contoids within a syllable 
(NC), a contoid cluster across syllable boundaries (N.C), or a single contoid (NC). Because there 
are no unambiguous contoid clusters within syllables, NC is not considered. There are no other 
examples of nasals followed by stops across syllable boundaries, except in words with 
reduplication of syllables. Therefore, we conclude that [mb] and [nd] be interpreted as 
pre-nasalized stops [mb] and [nd] in word-medial position, 
['mε ̅mbε ʔ] is interpreted as ['mε m̅bε ʔ] 'pig' 
['mã ̅ndε ʔ] is interpreted as ['mãn̅dε ʔ] 'other' 
 
3.4 Affricates 
The affricates [tš] and [dž] may be interpreted as single contoids C, or as contoid 
clusters CC. Because there are no unambiguous contoid clusters within syllables, they are 
interpreted as single contoids [č] and [j ̆]. 
['tšápε ʔ] is interpreted as ['čápε ʔ] 'fishing line' 
[ʔí'tšàgáʔ] is interpreted as [ʔí'čàgáʔ] 'step on it' 
['džíkìb'á:p"] is interpreted as ['j ̆íkìb'á:p"] 'rubber' 
[?ò:'džĩ ã ̀ʔ] is interpreted as [?ò:'j ̆ĩ ã ̀ʔ] 'I sneeze' 
 
 6 
3.5. Interdental lateral fricative 
The symbols [θl ̵] represent a single fricative, which is the simultaneous utterance of both 
[θ] and [l ̵]. Therefore, though the symbols appear to be a contoid cluster, they are, in fact, one 
single contoid, 
['θl ̵óàʔ] 'eat' [pa ̅θl ̵ã ʔ] 'scorpion' 
 
3.6 Voiced release 
Word, final [řə] and its nasalized counterpart [ řə ] are released contoids [řə] and [řə], 
C , as they contrast in timing and vocoid quality with word-final [řV]. When a suffix is added, 
the release can no longer be heard. 
[ka ̅'θl ̵řəʔ] 'macaw' and [ka ̅'θl ̵ář'éyʔ] 'macaws' 
['yářàʔ] 'civilized one', and ['yářà'éyʔ] 'civilized ones' 
 
Word-finally the released form varies with the unreleased form. Hereafter only the 
unreleased form is written. 
3.7. Glottal stop 
The glottal stop [ʔ] is not interpreted as a phonemic segment, but is used (often in free 
variation with its absence) at pause group boundaries or to emphasize a morpheme or syllable 
boundary. 
3.7.1. At pause group boundaries 
Before a vowel-initial pause group, and after a pause group ending in V, N or /y/, a 
glottal stop usually occurs. When the utterance is preceded by something or followed by 
something within the same pause group, however, the glottal stop is dropped. 
[ʔà'kε ̅ř] 'He is sleeping.' 
[pá-'lòb à-'kε ̅ř] (our-father he-sleeps) 'Our father is sleeping.' 
[pà-'wε :řáʔ] 'We are walking.' 
[pà-'wε :řá-õ mʔ] (we-walk-neg.) 'We cannot walk.' 
[ʔõ ̀-'ŋã ř mẽ ̀ỹʔ] 'my younger brother' 
['mátε t" õ ̀-'ŋãř mẽ ̀ỹ wà'lóy kàř] 
(yesterday my-younger=brother armadillo look=for) 
'Yesterday my younger brother went armadillo hunting.' 
 
Hereafter in this paper, glottal stops are not written before or after individual words if 
they are simply due to pause group boundaries, although they would be present when words are 
uttered in isolation. 
 
 7 
3.7.2. Within the pause group 
The glottal stop in intervocalic position is not predictable except in certain cases, but 
several factors influence its use: 1) whether or not the vocoids are homogeneous, 2) whether or 
not the pitch of both syllables is the same, 3) whether there is a morpheme boundary and of what 
type, and 4) the number of syllables in the word. 
3.7.2.1. Between homogeneous vocoids 
A glottal stop always occurs regularly between two homogeneous vocoids in a bisyllabic 
word with both syllables having the same pitch. (A glottal stop is inserted even if the etic pitches 
are different, as long as the emic tones are the same. In all examples so far encountered, adjacent 
syllables in the same word with the same etic pitch also have the same emic tone.) 
[wa ̅'ʔáp"] 'flute' [ò'ʔo ̅ř] 'I come.' 
 
It is less likely to occur between homogeneous vocoids in the following cases: 
1) when the first of the two vocoids is a person prefix, and the second begins a polysyllabic 
stem [ò'ópε] 'my thigh', 
2) when there is a suffix added to the bisyllabic word ['mε̅ʔεk"] 'corn' but [mε̅ε̀ŋ-'ã ỹ] 
'popcorn', and 
3) when the second syllable is closed ['láàt"] Indian' 
However, in most of these cases, the presence or absence of the glottal stop fluctuates, 
depending on the speaker and the context. 
 
3.7.2.2. Between non-homogeneous vocoids 
Usually there is no glottal stop between non-homogeneous vocoids. It is most likely to 
occur in the following cases: 
1) between a personal prefix and a monosyllabic stressed root, 
[à'ʔi ̅:] 'He dies.' [ò'ʔa ̅ř] 'I fall.' 
 
2) when a morpheme or syllable boundary is being emphasized, 
['yářà-'ʔéy] (civilized one-plural) 'civilized ones' 
[ka ̅'bó:ʔáp"] 'gourd' 
 
3) when the difference between initial [y] V and [i], V is being emphasized, 
[ì'ʔáp"] 'handle' [yáp"] 'arrow' 
 
 or when the difference between V [y] and V, [i] is being emphasized. 
 8 
['pa ̅lày] 'husband' ['pálàʔì] 'we look at' 
 
3.7.2.3. With contoids 
Occasionally a glottal stop may be heard between a contoid and a vocoid. It appears that 
this usage is to emphasize a morpheme boundary. 
[ò'íd-ʔìt"] 'young person' 
[to ̅'řóy-ʔà] 'palm tree fruit' (tree name-fruit) 
 
3.8. Long vocoids 
Long vocoids may be interpreted in any of three ways: 1) as a single vocoid V:, 2) as a 
vocoid sequence within a single syllable VV, or 3) as a vocoid sequence in two syllables V.V. 
The possibility of a vocoid sequence within a single syllable, VV, is eliminated by the fact that 
none of the unambiguous syllable patterns contain more than one vocoid (section 3.1.). Long 
vocoids are interpreted here in two ways, depending on pitch features: a) if the pitch is constant, 
then the long vocoid is interpreted as a single vocoid V: ; b) if there is a raising or lowering of 
the pitch, the long vocoid is interpreted as a sequence of two vocoids in different syllables V.V. 
When the pitch is constant, a long vocoid cannot be interpreted as V.V, because a 
sequence of two adjacent vocoids in different syllables always have a glottal stop inserted 
between them, if they have the same pitch. (Section 3.7.2.1.) 
[ó:mò'á:p"] 'my neck' compare with [wa ̅'ʔáp"] 'flute' 
[ò'ka ̅:] 'I go' compare with [wàlà'ʔa ̅] 'paca' 
 
Thus the long vocoid is interpreted as a single vocoid V: . 
When there is a change in pitch over a long vocoid, the long vocoid is not interpreted as 
being in a single syllable, because the pitch on single syllables is level (except as discussed in 
section 4.3.3.) For this reason the long vowel is interpreted as a vowel sequence in two different 
syllables V.V. 
[à-'wá-àkà] (he-himself-kill) 'He cut himself.' 
 
4. Suprasegmental features 
4.1. Intonation 
Breath groups and pause groups carry certain recognizable intonation contours. 
4.1.1. Declarative statements 
The intonation contour over breath groups that consist of one or more declarative 
statements, usually shows a downdrift towards the end of the breath group. The contour may or 
may not have a short upswing at the very end. The presence or absence of this upswing may be a 
discourse feature and needs further investigation. 
Examples with downdrift only: 
 9 
 
 
[pòřò'pã ŋ ò'j ̆ε  ò'wã nà ε ʔ] 'I climbed the tree.' 
 
 
[ʔò'j ̆ε  mà'tε :ř ε  ì'kõ ř  àkà mà'tε ř mà ε ʔ] 'Long ago I killed an eagle.' 
 
Examples of downdrift with upswing at the end: 
 
[ʔè'ŋε d ò'j ̆ε  ò'ke ̅ř ε ʔ] 'I slept one night.' 
 
 
['tíčák" 'mãn̅dε  'pĩ ̅ŋà ε ʔ] 'The other Suruí grabbed it.' 
 
The intonation contour of a breath group may show a downstep from one pause group to 
the next within the breath group. 
 
[ʔε ̅tε  ò'j ̆ε  / ŋà'θõn 'ã ŋà 'ládéwε ʔ] 'Then I made a field.' 
 
 
[ŋõ ̀ŋõ ̀ŋ'éy čì kà 'tóyá / làd 'áòř màlìbò'tóřε tà….] (no 
gloss) 
 
4.1.2. Questions 
The question intonation contour usually shows a decided upswing at the end of the 
contour. 
 
[ʔà'tε  là mã ̀'náò yε 'd è"kã  nε  íʔ] 'Do you want to go to Manaus?' 
 
 
['ʔõ nε  yá 'ša ̅kà mà'θáykířpì ̵g ĩ ʔ] 'Didn't you kill the little monkey?' 
 
 
['kã ŋòy pì'táò 'mã ŋáʔ] 'Where is the hospital?' 
 
 
['kã nà ò'lã nò máʔ] 'Where is my cousin?' 
 
4.1.3. Calls 
The intonation contour over the name being called usually rises from a low pitch to a 
high pitch. 
 10 
 
[mà'wířà wáʔ] ['bíò'gáʔ] 
 
4.1.4. Repeated utterances 
Repeated or similar utterances, which are contiguous, whether or not in the same breath 
group, carry the same intonation contour. When such utterances occur in the same breath group, 
they are subject to the usual downdrift towards the end of the breath group. 
Examples not in the same breath group: 
 
[mòšè'gã õ ̀ 'déòř ε  / 'bõ ř õ m à'tã ŋnε ʔ] 'Moxegão came and sat down.' 
 
 
[yà'šε řdà 'déòř ε  / 'bõ ř õ m à'tã ŋnε ʔ] 'Lacerda came and sat down.' 
 
Examples in the same breath group: 
 
[ʔε ̅'tε  mà'wířà ε ̄'θádε  ì'kã ř ĩ ̀ ε ʔ] 'Mauira was looking.' 
 
 
['tóyšádε  'bágátε ř ì'kã ř ĩ ̀ ε ʔ] 'We were looking.' 
 
 
[yà'šε řdà 'mã ŋà ì'kã ř ĩ ̀ʔ] 'Lacerda was looking. 
 
4.1.5. Ideophones 
Ideophones represent an action by means of sound. Various features of the action are 
represented by the ideophone's repetitions, increase or decrease in pitch and length. 
The intonation of ideophones which are associated with a certain action, but which do not 
imitate the sound of that action, tends to blend in with the contour of the rest of the utterance. 
 
['pářáθòk" ò'j ̆ε ʔ] 'I went fast.' 
 
 
['póřópã ŋ ò'j ̆ε  ò'wã nà ε ʔ] 'I climbed the tree.' 
 
The intonation of ideophones, which do imitate the sound of the action, tends to stand out 
as different from the intonation contour of the rest of the utterance. 
 11 
 
[kõ : kòřã ̀'náb 'déòř ε ʔ] 'The plane came.' 
 
 
[títítítí tò'j ̆ékà: 'tóyábã ̀nà ε ʔ] 'We went walking.' 
 
 
[dõ :::: kòřã ̀'náb 'dε  àpà'bótε ̀ʔ] 'The plane took off.'
 
4.1.6. Phrase intonation 
Within certain grammatical phrases, roughly corresponding to pause groups, there is a 
peak syllable with modification in stress and pitch. This is discussed in 4.2. 
 
4.2. Stress 
4.2.1. Lexical stress 
Every stem has exactly one stressed syllable, whose placement cannot be predicted by 
position, pitch, or by any other known feature.Thus, lexical stress, that stress occurring on words 
in isolation, is contrastive. The following examples show the independence of lexical stress with 
respect to position and tone (see 4.3.) 
High tone followed by high tone: 
[ka ̅lε ř] 'butterfly' ['lε řε k"] 'skin' 
 
High tone followed by low tone: 
['yářà] 'civilized one' [ší'bo ̅ř] 'quati' 
 
Low tone followed by high tone: 
[nì'tí] 'basket' 
 
An example of 'S̅S could not be found. 
Low tone followed by low tone: 
['mε m̅bε ] 'pig' [mõ ̀:'mbo ̅] 'rapids' 
 
Despite its non-predictability, lexical stress usually occurs on a syllable with high tone, if 
the stem has one. 
 
4.2.2. Shifting of lexical stress 
In certain kinds of grammatical phrases, lexical stresses can be shifted to accomodate an 
apparent tendency for stress to occur on alternating syllables. The grammatical nucleus of the 
 12 
phrase keeps its own lexical stress, but stems preceding the grammatical nucleus may undergo a 
shift in stress. This is illustrated below for transitive verb phrases. 
The stressed syllable of the nucleus is the phonological peak of the phrase, and generally 
has both intensified stress (") and, if it has high tone, it has extra high pitch ( ̋ ). When, however, 
the phonological peak of the phrase is final in the pause group, there is often no intensified stress 
nor extra high pitch; this could be due to intonational features (4.1.) 
 
4.2.2.1. Transitive verb phrase. 
The only type of phrase in which this shift of stress has been unambiguously noted is the 
transitive verb phrase consisting of a two-syllable noun object followed by a verb. The verb 
stem, being the grammatical nucleus of the phrase, keeps its lexical stress. The noun object, 
however, may undergo a shift in stress if it would result in stress occurring on alternating 
syllables. 
Sometimes the stress is shifted back onto a previous syllable to avoid juxtaposition of two 
stressed syllables. That is, a verb phrase of the form S'S + 'SS becomes 'SS + 'SS, where the 
grammatical nucleus has been underlined. Compare [pa ̅:'ná:p"| 'container' in isolation with 
the following: 
['ʔo-lòp" 'pá:ná:p" "kã  nε ʔ] 
(my-father container wants) 'My father wants a container.' 
 
At other times, stress is shifted forward to avoid the juxtaposition of two unstressed 
syllables. That is, 'SS + S'S becomes S'S + S'S. Compare ['lε'řε k"] 'skin' in isolation with the 
following: 
['mã mì ̶̵g lε ̅'řε g ã ̀"ʔã ʔ] 
(child skin take) 'The child takes the skin.' 
' 
When the stress is shifted to a syllable with low tone, it is often hard to hear, and at times 
an adjacent syllable with high tone seems to keep the stress. However, the pitch variation usually 
indicates that the stress has indeed shifted, even when it is not easily heard (see 4.3.) Thus, the 
word [ì'kõ ř] 'harpy eagle' shows only a pitch variation on the first syllable: 
['ʔó-lòb i ̅'kõ ř  "ŋã ̅nε ʔ] 
(my-father eagle wants) 'My father wants an eagle.' 
 
4.2.2.2. Embedded phrases. 
When the object in a transitive verb phrase consists of a modifier followed by the noun 
that is the nucleus of the noun phrase, the embedded noun phrase may keep its lexical stress. The 
word [làb'lĩn] 'roof of palm leaves', consisting of ['làp"] 'house' and [lĩn] 'hair', does not 
shift in stress or show a pitch variation when juxtaposed to a transitive verb stem with initial 
stress. 
 13 
['ʔó-lòb làb'lĩ n "ŋã  nε ʔ] 
(my-father house-hair wants) 'My father wants a roof of palm leaves.' 
 
4.3. Tone 
4.3.l. Pitches and tones 
There are four etic pitches: low [`], mid [ ̅ ], high [ ] and extra high [  ]. There are two 
register tones: low [`] and high [ ]. In this paper, etic pitches are indicated for all data within 
brackets, [ ] and emic tones are indicated for all data within slashes, / /. Tone is considered a 
suprasegmental feature of the syllable. 
The emic tones have the following variants: 
High tone /S/ is manifested as: 
extra high pitch [S ] in variation with high pitch [S ] when it occurs on the phonological 
peak of a phrase (see 4.2.2.) 
high pitch [S ] when it occurs in a non-peak syllable that either is stressed or follows 
another syllable with high or extra high pitch. 
mid pitch [ S ̅ ] elsewhere. 
Low tone /S̀/ is manifested as: 
mid pitch [ S ̅ ] when it occurs in a stressed syllable, 
low pitch [S ̀] elsewhere. 
[ka ̅'lε ř] 'butterfly' is interpreted as /S'S/ 
['lε řε k"] 'skin' is interpreted as /'SS/ 
[mo ̅'řígà] 'grasshopper' is interpreted as /S'SS̀/ 
['ši ̅bò] 'flame' is interpreted as /'S̀S̀/ 
[ší'bo ̅ř] 'quati' is interpreted as /S'S̀/ 
[mõ ̀:mbo ̅] 'rapids' is interpreted as /S̀'S̀/ 
[nì'tí] 'basket' is interpreted as /S̀'S/ 
 
 
4.3.2. Intonation and tone 
The intonation contour (4.1.) can be considered as a movable key for the register tones. 
Thus, for example, in utterances with downdrift, the final high tones may not be quite as high as 
preceding ones. 
 14 
4.3.3. Glides 
A few pitch downglides have been observed, but never on a single short vowel. At 
present, no conclusive evidence has been found that glides are emic tones. Glides may be heard 
when two vocoids occur together at syllable (morpheme) boundaries with two pitch levels. 
 
[à-'wa-akà] (he-refl.-kill/hit) 'He cut himself. 
 
 
[à-'wa-abì] (they-refl.-fight) 'They are fighting.' 
 
Also, on the possessive pronoun prefixes [tóy] 'our (excl.)' and [méy-] 'your (pl.)', or on 
personal pronouns [tòy-] 'we (excl.)' and [mèy-] 'you (pl.)', a pitch glide may be heard before 
certain nouns and verbs whose first syllable has high tone. When the prefix is basically a low 
tone, the glide begins lower than the first syllable of the root. 
 
[toy-'kó] 'our mouths' 
 
[méy-'kó] 'your mouths' 
 
[toy-'pí] 'We are afraid.' 
 
[mey-'pí] 'You (pl.) are afraid.' 
 
[toy-čã ř ] 'We are angry.' 
 
[mey-čã ř ] 'You (pl.) are angry.' 
 
Other roots where this phenomenon may occur are: [-'yéy] 'bathe', [-'pĩn] 'grow up', 
[-'pářìj ̆à] 'drunk', [-pí'kã ̅:ỹ] 'like', [-θí'tã̀ŋĩ ̀] 'be cold', [-pa ̅'říbĩ̀n] 'itch', 
[-pa ̅'řábà] 'throat', and [-pεřè'i ̅ ] 'think'. 
This downglide may also occur on the lengthened prefixes [o:-] 'my', [e:-] 'your (sg.)', 
and [pa:-] 'our (incl.)' in words such as [o:'nář] 'my head', [e:'gã ] 'your stomach', and 
[pa:'bε] 'our backs'. 
4.4. Length 
Long vowels (as opposed to juxtaposed homorganic vowels, see 3.8.) are analyzed as a 
vowel phoneme with the additional phonemic feature of length. Length is thus considered a 
suprasegmental feature of the syllable, and is represented both phonetically and phonemically by 
(:). 
 
 
 
 
 15 
Length is independent of stress and tone. 
Compare ['nò] 'hill' with ['nò:] 'urucu' 
 ['mε ] 'path' ['mε :] 'large cleared area' 
 [ò-'pa ̅:] 'I burn myself' [ò:-'pa ̅:] 'I forget.' 
 [ì'áp"] 'handle' [ì-'á:p"] 'hollow' 
 [ì'póy] 'big' [ì:'póy] 'large river' 
 [máy'šò] 'cigarette' [máy'šò:] 'extinguish' 
 
4.5. Nasalization 
Nasalization arises in two ways: because of other nasalization in the immediate context, 
and independent of other nasalization. The first way is non-contrastive and predictable; the 
second is contrastive. Both types of nasalization are treated as suprasegmental features. 
4.5.1. Contrastive nasalization 
Nasalization can occur contrastively on the final syllable of a stem. In this position it is 
considered to have phonemic status. 
[í'wà] 'eat' ['ĩ w ã ̀] 'hole' 
[ò'móř] 'my cousin' [õ ̀'mõ ř ] 'I am dry' 
[í:] 'water' [ĩ ̀:] 'hammock' 
 
It is noted that the final vowel of a stem can be contrastively nasalized, even though it 
does not have stress.Thus, stress and nasalization are independent. 
['ŋε :řpã ̀] 'spider' [ò'píčε ̀] 'I leave' 
 
It is possible that contrastive nasalization can occur on a non-final syllable of a stem, but 
no clear examples have been found. 
4.5.2. Non-contrastive nasalization 
Nasalization can be induced by the nasal quality of adjoining segments. This occurs both 
regressively and progressively within a single morpheme. Nasalization can also continue 
regressively across certain morpheme boundaries. 
4.5.2.1. Regressive nasalization within a morpheme 
The consonant phonemes can be considered in three groups, each affecting nasalization 
in a distinctive way. The stops, fricatives, and the one lateral (see 5.1.) all block the spread of 
nasalization. The nasals (/m/, /n/, /ñ/ and /ŋ/) all initiate nasalization in certain contexts. And the 
three remaining consonants /w/, /y/ and /ř/ can themselves be nasalized, and do not block the 
spread of nasalization. 
Let the symbol X represent any of these last three consonants, as well as any vowel. Then 
there are two rules of regressive nasalization within a single morpheme: 
(i) XN → XN 
 16 
That is, a vowel or /w/, /y/ or /ř/ becomes nasalized when it precedes a nasal consonant 
(within a single morpheme). 
['kε kε ̀ŋ] 'lizard' [õ ̀-mã ỹmàtε ̀] 'I urinate' 
[ã ̀ř 'máéy] type of bee 
 
The consonant /w/ never precedes a nasal because it is never syllable final. 
(ii) XX → XX 
That is, if a vowel or one of the consonants /w/, /y/ or /ř/ has been nasalized, and if there 
is another such segment preceding it (within a single morpheme), then that segment is also 
nasalized. 
['ĩ ̅õ ̀] 'give' ['ĩ w ã ̀] 'hole' 
[ò-'θĩ ̅ỹã ̀] 'I defecate.' [mã ̀'ř ã ỹã ̀] 'sugar cane' 
 
Thus, there are two ways for regressive nasalization to be initiated: by a vowel which in 
nasalized contrastively (4.5.1.) or by a nasal consonant. According to rules (i) and (ii) given 
above, such regressive naslization continues until it encounters a morpheme boundary or one of 
the consonants that block nasalization. 
[mε 'tõ ] 'basket' [pì'šã ] 'sew' 
['ma ̅lĩ ̀nĩ ̀ŋ] ' smoke ' [ò-'móř] (my-cousin) 'my cousin' 
 
Evidence at this point is inconclusive as to whether the regressive nasalization that is 
initiated by a nasal consonant can actually continue for more than a single syllable. It is often 
weaker in intensity than nasalization that is initiated by a contrastively nasalized vowel. 
['mã ỹõ ̀mŋàp"] 'ashes' 
But compare: 
[kòřã ̀'náp"] 'airplane' ['lε řε ŋáp"] 'button' 
 
4.5.2.2. Progressive nasalization within a morpheme 
Progressive nasalization is of two different kinds. First, if the final vowel of a stem is 
contrastively nasalized and if one of the consonants /y/ or /ř/ follows that vowel in the same 
syllable, then that consonant is also nasalized. 
[ò-pì'kã ̅:ỹ] (I-like)' 'I like.' [ì'kõ ř ] 'harpy eagle' 
 
Second, if there occurs, in a single morpheme, a sequence of the type 
 17 
N + V + /b/ or /d/ + Sg, 
where N is a nasal consonant, V is a vowel, and Sg is any segment, then the vowel is nasalized 
and the following consonant /b/ or /d/ is pre-nasalized. 
['mε m̅bε ] 'pig' [-mã mbε ] 'hand' 
['mãn̅dε ] 'other' [ŋõ mbε ř'tá:p"] type of bee 
 
If, however, there is a sequence of the type: 
N + V + /b/ or /d/, 
followed by a morpheme boundary, the vowel is not nasalized. 
[-mà:d-éy] (sister-pl.) 'sisters' [ŋàb ̵-'éyà] ' wasp nest' 
 
4.5.2.3. Regressive nasalization across a morpheme boundary 
If the initial vowel of a noun or verb stem has been nasalized, and if no consonant 
precedes it in the stem, which would block nasalization (see 4.5.2.1.), then any pronominal prefix 
to the stem is also nasalized. 
['õ :-mĩ ̀ã ̀] (my-nose) 'my nose' [õ ̀-'ỹõ ř ] (my-lover) 'my lover' 
[õ ̀-w ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã ] (I-talk) 'I talk.' [õ ̀-'nã mbèà] (my-axe) 'my axe' 
[õ ̀-'ñã ŋá] (I-laugh) 'I laugh.' ['õ -ŋã ̀ří ̵p"] (I-thin) 'I am thin.' 
[õ -'ĩ ̀:] (my-hammock) 'my hammock' 
 
However, if the initial vowel of a stem is not nasalized, and is preceded in the stem by a 
nasal consonant, the pronominal prefix is usually not naslized. 
[ò-'móř] (my-cousin) 'my cousin' [ó-'nì] (my-mother) 'my mother' 
 
Sometimes in this case, however, the pronominal prefix has been found to be nasalized. 
[õ ̀-'ŋóř] (my-intestines) 'my intestines' 
 
5. Charts of phonemes 
5.1. Consonants 
 Labial Apical Laminal Dorsal 
Stops vl. p t č k 
 vd. b d j̆ g 
Nasals m n ñ ŋ 
Semi-vowels and flap w ř y 
Fricatives θ š 
Lateral l 
 
 18 
5.2. Vowels 
 Front Central Back 
High i i̵ 
Low e a o 
 
6. Evidence for phonemes 
The charts on the following pages give the evidence for the phonemes in the charts above. 
6.1. Consonants 
6.1.1. Bilabials 
 /p/ /m/ 
 [p] /p ̵/ [m] 
 ['pε řε p"] ['móbá:] 
 'return' 'kiss' 
Initial ['pã mnε ] ['mé:à:] 
stressed 'new' 'house' 
 ['pã ř mìšã ] ['mátε t"] 
 type of insect 'yesterday' 
 [pε ̅'kóà] [mè'yóà] 
 'howler monkey' 'ground corn' 
Initial [pà'óř] [mà'ká:p"] 
unstressed 'pretty' 'peanut' 
 [pε 'šók"] [mε 'kó] 
 'dirty' 'cat' 
 [a ̅no ̅'pábì] [a ̅no ̅'p ̵ábì] [ò'mí:pε ] 
 'other side' 'other side' 'my foot' 
Medial [àgòy'pápì] [àgòy'p ̵ápì] [ã ̀'mõ ] 
stressed proper name proper name 'grandfather' 
 [ŋò'pã mà:] [i ̅:'p ̵íbε ] [pà'máìt"] 
 'electric eel' 'stool' 'our daughter' 
 ['lářpìà] [pε ̅:'nẽ mà] 
 'belt' 'to turn' 
Medial ['ŋε :řpã] [èmà'lótà] 
unstressed 'spider' 'you eat' 
 [a ̅'kápε ] [šàmà'ka ̅p"] 
 'mat' 'two fingers' 
 19 
6.1.1. Bilabials 
 /p/ /m/ 
 [p] /p ̵/ [m] 
 [ỹã mŋàt"] 
 'grove of bamboo' 
Syllable ['pã mnε ̀] 
final 'new' 
 [nõ ̀m'éy] 
 'fleas' 
 ['nẽ mʔ] 
 expression of hesitation 
Pause group ['číg'õ mʔ] 
final 'shiny' 
 ['lõ :mʔ] 
 'extinguish' 
 
6.1.1. Bilabials (cont.) 
 /b/ 
 [b] [b ̵] [mb] [p"] 
 ['bí ̵:řá] ['mbà:] 
 'full' 'daddy' 
Initial ['béyà] ['mbã ř ĩ ̀] 
stressed 'grandmother' proper name 
 ['bágá] ['mbágá] 
 'all gone' 'all gone' 
 [bò'tε ] 
Initial 'finished' 
unstressed [bε 'tígà] 
 'chin plug' 
 [θò'bó] 
 'snake' 
Medial [lo ̅'béí ̵p"] 
stressed 'clay pot' 
 [ŋε ř'báyà] 
 'small lizard' 
 ['kε bε ] 
 'say it' 
Medial ['mókòbà] 
unstressed 'banana' 
 ['móbá] 
 'kiss' 
 20 
6.1.1. Bilabials (cont.) 
 /b/ 
 [b] [b ̵] [mb] [p"] 
 mòřìb'móy] [ŋàb ̵'éy] [lí:p"'tì] 
 'large fish' 'wasps' 'lizard' 
Syllable ['lábŋòy] [ŋàb ̵'éyà] [í:p"tàbířà] 
final 'to the house' 'wasp nest' proper name 
 [pà'θábŋàt"] [í:b ̵'éy] [í:p"'θégà] 
 'palm grove' 'trees' 'crown of tree' 
 ['ŋàp"] 
 'wasp' 
Pause group ['wε řε p"] 
final 'finish' 
 ['tã mòá:p"] 
 type of bird 
 [ò'mã mbε ] 
 'my hand' 
Following [nã 'mbε ̄kòt"] 
nasalized 'knife' 
vowel [ŋõ mbε ř'tá:p"] 
 type of bee 
 
6.1.1. Bilabials (cont.) 
 /w/ 
 [w] [w ̟] [b ̵] [w ], [w ̟], [b ̶̵]
 ['wáθl ̵à] ['w ã ỹã ] 
Initial 'tapir' 'all' 
stressed ['wa ̅lε t"] 
 'woman' 
 [wa ̅'kář] w ã ̀'w ã  
 'stork-like bird' 'shaman' 
Initial [wà'péà] [w ã ̀'ỹã ] 
unstressed 'thorn' 'large nambu' 
 [wà'ó] 
 'alligator' 
 [ò'wε :řá] [à'w ̟ε :řá] [è'b ̵ε :řá] [w ã ̀'w ã ] 
 'I walk' 'he walks' 'you walk' 'shaman' 
Medial [mà'wíř] [à'w ̟éy] [è'b ̵éy] [õ ̀w ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã :] 
stressed type of bird 'he bathes' 'you bathe' 'I talk' 
 [à'wá:řà] [à'w ̟ε řε p"] [è'b ̵ε řε p"] [ã ̀'w ã ] 
 'parrot' 'he is finished' 'you are finished' 'see here' 
 21 
6.1.1. Bilabials (cont.) 
 /w/ 
 [w] [w ̟] [b ̵] [w], [w ̟], [b ̶̵]
 ['mε řèwà] [àw ̟ε 'bá] [èb ̵ε 'bá] ['ĩ w ã ̀] 
 'sing' 'he is swollen' 'you are swollen' 'hole' 
 [pàwàg ̵'á:p"] [ẽ ̀w ẽ ̅'tígá] 
 type of bird 'meet', 
Medial [òwε 'bá] [õ ̀w ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã ] 
unstressed 'I am swollen' 'I talk' 
 [ã ̀w ̟ẽ`ỹ'wã ] 
 'he talks' 
 [ẽ ̀b ̵ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã ] 
 'you talk' 
 
6.1.2. Postdentals 
 /t/ /d/ 
 [t] [d] [nd] [t"] 
 ['tã mòá:p"] ['dí ̵yá] ['ndářà] 
 'jacu' 'shoot arrow' proper name 
Initial ['tá'kó] ['dó:gá] ['ndàk"] 
stressed 'their mouths' sound of gunfire 'pocket knife' 
 ['dàk"] 
 'pocket knife' 
 [to ̅'řóyà] [nda ̅'řágá] 
 'palm fruit' 'burp' 
Initial [tò'ří:dà] 
unstressed 'type of snake 
 [tàmà'ří] 
 'jacamin' 
 [ò'tã ř ] [θo ̅'dágá] 
 'I am angry' 'pound' 
Medial [bò'tε ] [θò'dáp"] 
stressed 'finished' 'ant' 
 [ma ̅'tígá] [θò'dĩ ŋà] 
 "in the future' "write' 
 ['mátε t"] ['a ̅dò] 
 'yesterday' 'basket' 
Medial [ò:'nó:tε ̀] [ì'šákòdà:] 
unstressed 'I stand up' 'grinding stone' 
 [ò'á:tà] [tò'ří:dà] 
 'I lie down' type of snake 
 22 
6.1.2. Postdentals 
 /t/ /d/ 
 [t] [d] [nd] [t"] 
 [ó'mà:déy] ['pát"'pádá] 
 'my sisters' 'to boil' 
Syllable [wàlε d'mí ̵k"] 
final 'girl' 
 [ò'máìdõ m] 
 'no daughters 
 [ó'mà:t"] 
 'my sister' 
Pause group [óyò'yót"] 
final type of bird 
 ['ŋàt"] 
 'sun' 
 ['mãn̅dε ] 
Following 'other' 
nasalized [ỹã ̀mõ 'ndà] 
vowel proper name 
 
6.1.2. Postdentals (cont.) 
 /n/ /ř/ 
 /n/ [ř] [ř] [řə], [řə̃] 
 ['nó:à] 
 'urucu' 
Initial ['nářág ̵á:p"] 
unstressed type of rodent 
 ['nìk"] 
 'gnat' 
 [nì'tí:] 
 'basket' 
Initial [nà'pó:à] 
unstressed 'vine' 
 [nã 'mbε ̅kòt"] 
 'knife' 
 [òmi ̅'níà] [to ̅'řóyà] [ŋõ ̀'ř ε ̅] 
 'my heel' 'palm fruit' fork of tree 
Medial [ò:'nó:tε ̀] [kò'řóyà] [mã ̀'ř ĩ ỹã ̀] 
stressed 'I stand up' 'frog' 'sugar cane' 
 [kòřã ̀'náp"] [tò'ří:dà] [ã ř ã ̀'ř ĩ ỹã ̀] 
 'airplane' type of snake type of sloth 
 23 
6.1.2. Postdentals (cont.) 
 /n/ /ř/ 
 /n/ [ř] [ř] [řə], [řə̃] 
 ['ŋã ̅nì] ['pářá] [ã ̀'ř ĩ ̅mε ̀] 
 'sky' proper name 'monkey' 
Medial [ò'lã nò] ['lε řε k"] ['mbã ř ĩ ̀] 
unstressed 'my cousin' 'skin' proper name 
 ['yářà] [ã ř ã ̀'ř ĩ ỹã ̀] 
 'civilized one' type of sloth 
 [nĩ ̶̵:n'éy] ['lářpìà] [ì'kõ ř éy] 
 'small nambus' 'belt' 'eagles' 
Syllable [à'pĩ nõ m] ['ŋε :řpã ̀] [šì'kã ř lĩ n] 
final 'he is not growing' 'spider' 'his leg hair' 
 [pĩ ĩ ̀'ĩ n'éy] [ò'móřéy] [ã ̀ř 'máéy] 
 certain birds 'my cousins' type of bee 
 [ì'šõ nʔ] ['í:čε ř] [ì'kõ ř ] ['í:čε řə] 
 'rotten' 'water' 'eagle' 'watar' 
Pause group [mo ̅'θĩ n?] [ò'móř] [ò'tã ř ] [ì'kõ ř ə] 
final 'leaf' 'my cousin' 'I am angry'' 'eagle' 
 [ò'lĩ n?] [ó'ka ̅ř] [ò'mõ ř ] [ò'lířə] 
 'my arm hair' 'hunt for me' 'I am dry] 'my blood' 
 
6.1.3. Interdentals and laterals 
 /θ/ /l/ 
 [θ] [θl̵] [l] [d ̵] 
 ['θóà] ['θl ̵óà] ['lářpìà] 
 'food' 'food' 'belt' 
Initial ['θò] [θl ̵òli ̅'bók"] ['lε řε k"] 
stressed 'moon' 'moonlight' 'skin' 
 ['θẽ má] [θl ̵òlèb ̵'á:p"] ['lí:p"] 
 'cut' 'blanket' 'bat' 
 [θò'bó] [θl ̵ò'á:] [lò'íbì] 
 'snake' type of potato 'rainy season' 
Initial [θò'dáp"] [θl ̵ó'ga ̅y] [lo ̅'béí ̵p"] 
unstressed 'ant' 'to plant' 'clay pot' 
 [θó'ga ̅y] [θl ̵ò'gõ m] [lo ̅ř'ŋí ̵p"] 
 'to plant' 'tiny' 'thunder' 
 24 
6.1.3. Interdentals and laterals 
 /θ/ /l/ 
 [θ] [θl̵] [l] [d ̵] 
 [ka ̅'θář] [ka ̅'θl ̵ář] [ò'lε řàt"] [è'd ̵ε řàt"] 
 'macaw' 'macaw' 'my grandchild' 'your grandchild'
Medial [mo ̅'θĩ n] [mò'θl ̵ĩ n] [ò'lε řε k"] [è'd ̵ε řε k"] 
stressed 'leaf' 'leaf' 'my skin' 'your skin' 
 [pà'θã ] [ónì'θl ̵óà] [ò'lε t"] [è'd ̵ε t"] 
 'scorpion' 'my uncle' 'my name' 'your name' 
 ['wáθà] ['wáθl ̵àpò] [wàlà'ʔa ̅] 
 'tapir' 'donkey' 'paca' 
Medial [ò'máθápε ] [ò'máθl ̵ápε ] ['wa ̅lε t"] 
unstressed 'my chest' 'my chest' 'woman' 
 [wàθà'bířà] [òθl ̵ì'tã ̅ŋì] [òlà'pε pò] 
 'capivara' 'I am cold' 'my lower eyelid' 
 
6.1.4. Alveolars 
 /č/ /j ̆/ 
 [č] [j ̆] 
 ['čápε ] ['j ̆íkìb'á:p"] 
 'fishing line' 'rubber' 
Initial ['čóykáp"] 
stressed 'star' 
 ['čí ̵:ná] 
 'give' 
 [čò'íř] ['j ̆ì'j ̆íéy] 
 type of bee type of bee 
Initial [čò'méí ̵t"] 
unstressed type or monkey 
 [čì'pít"] 
 'to be fat' 
 [wà'čĩ ŋà] [ì'j ̆ígà] 
 'sweet potato' 'candle' 
Medial [ì'číř] [yà'j ̆í ̵:k"] 
stressed 'cook' 'red' 
 [ì'čář] [θògòy'j ̆óřà] 
 'to sit on' 'snake' 
 25 
6.1.4. Alveolars 
 /č/ /j ̆/ 
 [č] [j ̆] 
 [ò'píčε ̀] [ò'pa ̅řìj ̆à] 
 'I leave' 'I am drunk' 
Medial [mε 'kóčìt"] 
unstressed 'domestic cat' 
 ['í:čε ř] 
 'water' 
 
6.1.5. Alveo-palatals 
 /š/ /ñ/ /y/ 
 [š] [ñ] [y] [ỹ] 
 ['ša ̅kà] ['ñε píp"] ['yóřì] ['ỹã mŋàt"] 
 'kill him' proper name 'line on face' 'bamboo field' 
Initial ['šε řkà] ['ñĩ ř ĩ ̀] ['yářà] ['ỹã ̅mìčã ̀ŋ] 
stressed 'slice' 'secret' 'civilized one' proper name 
 ['šíbì] ['ñókòy] 
 'under' 'over there' 
 [šà'tígà] [ñã ̀'ŋóř] yò'pẽ :nà:] [ỹã ̀m'nóř] 
 'hurt' type of ant 'leaf of cará' proper name 
Initial [šà'tóà] [yò'bářà:] 
unstressed 'tall' 'pupunha' 
 [šì'áp"] [yà'íř] 
 'wet' 'alert' 
 [ì'šáʔà] [õ ̀:'ñã ŋá] [ò'yáp"] [õ ̀:'ỹõ ř ] 
 'stone' 'I laugh' 'my arrow' 'my lover' 
Medial [ì'šõ n] [ĩ ̅:'ñá:k"] [mè'yóà] [w ã ̀'ỹã :] 
stressed 'rotten' 'excrement' 'ground corn' 'large nambu' 
 [ì'šářpìà] [ĩ ̀'ñã n] [θõ ̀'ỹõ n] 
 'his belt' 'ugly' proper name 
 ['í:šòà] ['ĩ ñì ̵t"] ['béyà] ['õ ỹã ̀] 
 'fetish' 'bird' 'grandmother' 'my buttocks' 
Medial [à'bíšákóř] ['ĩ ñòp"] [ì:'péyà] [mã ̀'ř ã ỹã ̀] 
unstressed 'anteater' 'brother' 'duck' 'sugar cane' 
 [ò'máyšán] ['óyòyót"] [w ã ỹã ] 
 'my cross cousin' type of bird 'all' 
 [to ̅'řóyà] [õ ̀w ẽ ̀ỹ'w ã ] 
 'palm fruit' 'I talk' 
Syllable ['čókáp"] [mõ ̀ỹ'éy] 
final 'star' 'macaxeira plural' 
 ['óypì ̵k"] [òmí'kõ ̀ỹ'éy] 
 'boy' 'my fingernails' 
 26 
6.1.5. Alveo-palatals 
 /š/ /ñ/ /y/ 
 [š] [ñ] [y] [ỹ] 
 [ì'póyʔ] [òmà'õ ỹʔ] 
 'large' 'my husband' 
Pause group [ò'wéyʔ] [mò'kã ỹʔ] 
final 'I bathe' 'fire' 
 [wà'lóyʔ] [ì'kã ̅ỹʔ] 
 'armadillo' 'old' 
 
6.1.6. Velars 
 /ŋ/ /k/ /g/ 
 [ŋ] [k] [g] [g ̶̵], [k"] 
 ['ŋàp"] ['kã nà] ['gí ̵dá] 
 'wasp' 'what?' 'swallow' 
Initial ['ŋε :řpã ̀] ['kε kε ̀ŋ] 
stressed 'spider' 'small lizard' 
 ['ŋà] ['ká:bá:] 
 'garden' 'swim' 
 [nò'pã mà:] [kà'lóyà] 
 'electric eel' 'bee' 
Initial ['ŋε ř'báyà] [ka ̅'θář] 
unstressed 'small lizard' 'macaw' 
 [ŋà'θá] [ka ̅'lε ř] 
 type of ant 'butterfly' 
 [lo ̅ř'ŋí ̵p"] [a ̅'kápε ] [à'gótà] [pàwàg ̶̵'á:p"] 
 'thunder' 'mat' 'tomorrow' type of bird 
Medial [õ ̀'ŋã ř mε ̀ỹ] ['ò'ka ̅:] [θò'gõ m] ['nářág ̶̵á:p"] 
stressed 'my brother' 'I go' 'tiny' type of rodent 
 [mã ̀'ŋε ř] [mo ̅'kó:bà] [ò:'gõ ã ̀] 
 'morning' 'owl' 'my heart' 
 [wà'čĩ ŋà] [ò'pákàtε ̀] ['mógá] 
 'sweet potato1 'I wake up' 'close' 
 [θò'bã ̅ŋàp"] ['mókòbà] [wa ̅'gó] 
Medial 'sweet potato 'banana' 'wind' 
unstressed mixture' 
 ['mã ŋà] [ò:'bíkàdà:] [bágá] 
 'make' 'I am thinking' 'all gone' 
 27 
6.1.6. Velars 
 /ŋ/ /k/ /g/ 
 [ŋ] [k] [g] [g ̶̵], [k"] 
 ['kε kε ̀ŋ'éy] ['nígéy] [ò'wák"tε ̀] 
 'small lizards' 'gnats' 'I run' 
Syllable ['tõ ŋ'tõ ŋá] [nèg'éy] [òkò'ák"tε ̀] 
final 'pound' 'maggots' 'yawn' 
 [mò'tĩ ŋéy] ['óypì ̵g'éy] 
 'worms' 'boys' 
 ['ma ̅lĩ ̀nĩ ̀ŋʔ] 'ŋã ñák"] 
 'smoke' 'clay' 
Pause group ['kε kε ̀ŋʔ] ['ník"] 
final 'small lizard' 'gnat'[mò'tíŋʔ] ['li ̅tàk"] 
 'worm' 'cold' 
 
6.2. Vowels 
Of the five vowel phonemes /i/, /e/, /i̵/, /a/, and /o/, only /e/ has allophones besides 
nasalized allophones (see 7.2.). Following is a brief list of examples of the vowel phonemes. For 
more examples see 8.0. 
/i/ [šì'íp"] 'brown' /i ̵/ ['í ̵řpì ̵k"] 'small bow' 
 ['ĩ w ã ̀] 'hole' ['nĩ ̵:n] 'small nambu' 
 ['í:čε ř] 'water' ['mĩ ̵ỹ] 'one' 
 
/a/ ['wáθà] 'tapir' /o/ ['mókòbà] 'banana' 
 [w ã ̀'w ã ] 'shaman' [mo ̅'kó:bà] 'owl' 
 [à'wá:řà] 'parrot' [ò'tágõ ̀] 'I am tired.' 
 
 /e/ 
[e] [ò'wéy] 'I bathe' [ε] [bò'tε ] 'finished' 
 [lo ̅'béí ̵p"] 'clay pot' [pε 'šók"] 'dirty' 
 [é'lòp"] 'your father' ['kε kε ̀ŋ] 'small lizard' 
 [è'wã nà] 'you climb' ['ε ̄:řì] 'You are lazy.' 
 [è'móř] 'your cousin' ['mε m̅bε ] 'pig' 
 [pε ̅:nẽ mà] 'turn' [ò'lε ] 'It stung me.' 
 
 28 
7. Formational statement 
7.1. Consonants 
 
 /p/ 
[p ̵] 
 
Voiceless bilabial fricative occurs in medial-stressed syllables in 
fluctuation with [p]. 
 [p] Voiceless unaspirated bilabial stop occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /b/ 
[p"] 
 
Voiceless bilabial unreleased stop occurs pause group final, or syllable 
final before voiceless consonant. 
 
[b ̵] 
 
Voiced bilabial fricative occurs intervocalically in fluctuation with [b] 
when the preceding vowel is oral. 
 [mb] 
Voiced bilabial pre-nasalized stop occurs non-morpheme final following 
a nasalized vowel, and in fluctuation with [b] word-initial. 
 [b] Voiced bilabial stop occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /m/ [m] Voiced bilabial nasal. 
 
 
/w/ 
 
 
[w ̟] 
 
 
Voiced bilabial oral semivowel with friction occurs following oral vowel 
and in fluctuation with [w], when stem-initial followed by /e/ and 
preceded by a prefix ending in /a/. 
 [b ̵] 
Voiced bilabial oral fricative.occurs following oral vowel, and when 
stem-initial followed by /e/ and preceded by a prefix ending in /e/. 
 [w] 
Voiced bilabial oral semivowel occurs elsewhere following an oral 
vowel, or word-initial preceding an oral vowel. 
 
[w ̟] 
 
 
Voiced bilabial nasalized semivowel with friction occurs following 
nasalized vowel, and in fluctuation with [w] when stem-initial followed 
by /e/ and preceded by a prefix ending in /a/. 
 
[b ̶̵] 
 
 
Voiced bilabial nasalized fricative occurs following nasalized vowel, and 
when stem-initial followed by /e/ and preceded by a prefix ending in 
/e/. 
 [w ] Voiced bilabial nasalized semivowel occurs elsewhere following a nasalized vowel, or word-initial preceding a nasalized vowel. 
 
 /t/ [t] Voiceless postdental stop. 
 
 /d/ [t"] Voiceless postdental unreleased stop occurs pause group final, or word final before a word beginning with a voiceless consonant. 
 [nd] Voiced postdental prenasalized stop occurs non-morpheme final following a nasalized vowel, in fluctuation with [d] word-initial. 
 [d] Voiced postdental stop occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /n/ [n] Voiced postdental nasal. 
 
 /ř/ 
[ř ] 
 
Voiced alveolar flapped nasalized vibrant occurs following nasalized 
vowels. 
 [ř ə] 
Voiced alveolar flapped nasalized vibrant with release occurs pause 
group final following nasalized vowels in fluctuation with [ ř]. 
 29 
 [ř] Voiced alveolar flapped oral vibrant occurs following oral vowels. 
 [řə] 
Voiced alveolar flapped oral vibrant with release occurs pause group final 
following oral vowels in fluctuation with [ř]. 
 
 /θ/ 
[θl ̵] 
 
Voiceless interdental and simultaneously lateral fricative occurs in 
fluctuation with [θ] in all positions. 
 [θ] 
Voiceless interdental fricative occurs in fluctuation with [θl̵] in all 
positions. 
 
 /l/ 
[d ̵] 
 
Voiced interdental fricative occurs when stem-initial and followed by /e/ 
and preceded by a prefix ending in /e/. 
 [l] Voiced postdental lateral occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /č/ [č] Voiceless alveolar grooved affricate. 
 
 /j ̆/ [j ̆] Voiced alveolar grooved affricate. 
 
 /ñ/ [ñ] Voiced alveolar nasal. 
 
 /y/ 
[ỹ] 
 
Voiced alveopalatal nasalized semivowel occurs before and after 
nasalized vowels, including word-initial. 
 [y] Voiced alveopalatal oral semivowel occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /š/ [š] Voiceless alveolar grooved fricative. 
 
 /k/ [k] Voiceless velar stop. 
 
 /g/ 
[k"] 
 
Voiceless velar unreleased stop occurs pause group final, or syllable final 
before voiceless consonant. 
 [g ̵] Voiced velar fricative occurs intervocalically in fluctuation with [g]. 
 [g] Voiced velar stop occurs elsewhere. 
 
 /ŋ/ [ŋ] Voiced velar nasal. 
 
7.2. Vowels 
 /i/ [i] Voiced high close front unrounded vocoid. 
 
 /e/ /ε/ Voiced mid open front unrounded vocoid occurs without length (except a 
lengthened prefix) and simultaneously either word-final (and possibly 
morpheme-final), or before voiceless stop phones, fricatives, 
morpheme-final nasals, /ř/, /d/, /e/, when nasalized and before /b/. 
Also occurs before stems (sometimes lengthened) beginning with /d/, 
/ř/, /e/, /p/, or /n/. 
 30 
 [e] Voiced mid close front unrounded vocoid occurs before semivowels /y/ 
and /w/, all vowels besides /e/, before voiced allophones of /g/, /l/, 
with length, or when word-initial as a prefix preceding all stems except 
those beginning with /d/, /ř/, /e/, /p/, or /n/. 
No clear description of the distribution of [ε] and [e] can be found when 
preceding non-final nasals and /b/. Two factors which may influence 
the quality of /e/ are: 1) whether it is morpheme final, and 2) whether it 
is in a closed syllable. In these two cases /e/ tends to be realized as [ε]. 
 
 /i ̵/ [i ̵] Voiced high close central unrounded vocoid. 
 
 /a/ [a] Voiced low close central unrounded vocoid. 
 
 /o/ [o] Voiced mid close back rounded vocoid. 
 
All five vowel phonemes may occur with the suprasegmental features of length and 
nasalization. (See 4.4. and 4.5.) 
8. Phoneme distribution 
8.1. With respect to syllable types 
8.1.1. Consonants 
The following phonemes do not occur in syllable-final position: /p/, /t/, /č/, /k/, /j̆/, /ñ/, 
/w/, /θ/, /š/, and /l/. The phoneme /ř/ does not occur in word-(morpheme) initial position, 
though it may occur syllable initial. 
8.1.1.1. Chart of consonant distribution in syllable types 
Word boundaries are indicated by (#). The numbers refer to examples found in 8.3. 
 
 Chart 1 
 #VC VC VC# #CVC CVC CVC# #CV CV CV# 
p 86 60 31 17 7 19 
t 100 113 120 18 61 3 
č 97 21 73 19 122 20 
k 40 115 28 89 17 4 
b 103 102 18 113 113 7 115 116 28 44 1 35 
d 104 39 114 105 2 30 117 99 41 16 9 
j̆ 22 14 49 15 
g 29 105 86 49 2 106 22 9 3 61 
m 97 54 24 82 48 30 36 32 96 8 
n 107 83 91 108 92 60 121 26 93 5 2 
 31 
 Chart 1 
 #VC VC VC# #CVC CVC CVC# #CV CV CV# 
ñ 23 48 109 11 71 6 
ŋ 95 100 11 21 112 120 55 81 71 
w 120 110 52 30 65 77 
ř 33 34 111 95 25 92 38 1 8 65 
y 28 102 112 48 85 7 99 31 22 78 41 
θ 24 109 24 12 66 10 
š 108 108 26 36 1 7 
1 87 30 101 13 68 
 
8.1.2. Vowels 
Any vowel phoneme may occur in the VC, CVC, and CV syllable. No examples of /i̵/ in 
the V syllable, have been found, though all the other vowels occur in that syllable type. 
8.1.2.1. Chart of vowel distribution in syllable types 
Word boundaries are indicated by (#). 
Chart 2 
 #VC VC VC# #CVC CVC CVC# #CV CV CV# #V V V# 
i 103 104 96 87 108 52 83 20 79 26 83 27 
e 28 29 29 95 30 73 80 13 20 64 31 32 
i̵ 84 102 39 37 110 22 44 56 56 
a 33 98 18 24 7 2422 15 10 1 119 17 
o 118 34 97 86 2 26 12 18 12 20 158 157 
 
8.1.3. Words 
All syllable types can occur in word-initial, medial and final position, as shown by 
Charts 1 and 2. 
8.2. With respect to adjacent segments 
8.2.1. Consonant clusters 
Consonant clusters do not occur within syllables, only across syllable boundaries. The 
consonant phonemes mentioned in 8.1.1. that cannot be syllable final, can for that reason not be 
initial in a consonant cluster. Also, other combinations have not been found, and some only 
occur in reduplication of syllables in an ideophone. These are shown in 8.2.4. (Chart 3). 
 
 32 
8.2.2. Vowel clusters 
Vowel clusters may occur across syllable boundaries. There may be two or three vowels 
in a cluster. Only a few examples of a vowel cluster of three vowels have been found and the 
most common are when the plural suffix /-éy/ or the negative suffix /-óm/ are added to a word 
ending in a two-vowel cluster. 
/wàlà'à-'éy/ (paca-pl.) 'pacas' 
/màã -'óm/ (take-neg.) 'does not take' 
/pí.ì.'ín/ type of bird 
 
In the two-vowel clusters, all the vowel phonemes may be followed by the same 
phoneme or each of the others except for /i̵/ which is found following only /e/, /a/, and /o/, and 
can only be followed by /e/. 
Length as a suprasegmental feature may occur on either of the vowels in the cluster, 
though not all combinations have been found. 
/ó-'ĩ ̀:/ (my-hammock) 'my hammock' 
/è-'õ ̀/ (you=sg.-die quietly) 'Hou die quietly.' 
/à-'ì:/ (he-die) 'He dies.' 
/'nó:à/ 'urucu' (red dye) 
/ĩ ̀:-'óm/ (hammock-neg.) 'no hammock' 
 
Across morpheme boundaries either vowel in the cluster may be nasalized, whereas 
within the morpheme if the second in the cluster is contrastively nasalized, the feature of 
nasalization continues regressively (section 4.5.1.). 
8.2.3. Consonant and vowel cooccurrence 
8.2.3.1. CV and C.V sequences 
Within the CV syllable any vowel can follow any consonant with the following 
exceptions, for which no examples have been found: 
/e/ follows /g/ only across syllable boundaries 
/i/ does not follow /ñ/ 
/i ̵/ does not follow /θ/ or /l/ 
 
8.2.3.2. VC and V.C sequences 
The consonant phonemes mentioned in 8.1.1, that cannot be syllable-final, can for that 
reason follow a vowel only across syllable boundaries. Most of the combinations can be found 
across syllable boundaries except for /t/, /č/, /k/, /j̆/, /ñ/, /w/, /θ/, /š/, and /l/ following /i̵/; /č/ 
following /e/; and /θ/ and /l/ \ following /i/. 
 33 
8.2.4. Chart of consonant and vowel clusters and cooccurrence of consonants and vowels 
The parentheses indicate that the two segments are not within the same syllable. The first 
of the two segments is found in the list along the left edge of the chart, and the second is found in 
the horizontal list along the top. 
 Chart 3 a 
 p t č k b d j̆ g m n ñ ŋ 
p 
t 
č 
k 
b 87 126 127 128 23 
d 131 105 30 132 
j̆ 
g 86 98 160 159 133 134 2 
m 139 40 
n 140 141 
ñ 
ŋ 100 142 
w 
ř 84 143 144 145 33 109 146 
y 118 120 122 28 148 49 48 
θ 
š 
l 
i (63) (66) (20) (14) 87 96 (15) 97 75 83 (94) 76 
e (47) (61) (89) 55 58 (70) 38 59 60 (72) 89 
i̵ (123) 43 39 22 124 91 (125)
a (7) (78) (21) (1) 14 112 (22) 98 54 82 (6) 120 
o (15) (62) (74) (98) 23 99 (46) 2 36 26 (71) 100 
 
 
 34 
 Chart 3-b 
 w ř y θ š 1 i e i̵ a o 
p 83 60 84 85 86 
t 87 113 35 18 25 
č 21 73 88 19 39 
k 14 89 43 28 1 
b 136 129 130 1 13 44 35 12 
d 45 16 41 114 2 
j̆ 14 46 22 15 49 
g 135 137 138 57 (29) 9 86 61 
m 24 90 8 30 33 18 
n 108 68 90 91 92 93 
ñ 47 94 11 48 
ŋ 54 95 40 55 11 
w 52 65 56 30 53 
ř 147 37 8 153 56 44 51 
y 149 7 58 58 35 22 60 
θ 66 129 10 12 
š 108 81 37 36 26 
l 87 38 69 13 
 
i (77) 54 (78) (26) 83 150 115 151 
e (64) 73 110 (67) (80) (69) 27 29 13 152 153 
i̵ 111 42 154 
a (65) 92 7 (102) (79) (68) 96 33 111 155 34 
o (50) 1 63 (66) (81) (101) 104 31 102 17 156 
 
8.3. List of examples for Charts 1, 2, and 3 
1. /à'bíšákóř/ 'anteater' 
2. /à'dógnẽ ̀/ 'to explode' 
3. /à'gótà/ 'tomorrow' 
4. /'š-àkà/ (him-kill) 'Kill him!' 
5. /ò-'népò/ (my-arm) 'my arm' 
6. /à'ñó/ 'over there' 
7. /àpà'báyšã ̀/ 'to boil' 
 35 
8. /à'řìmẽ ̀/ 'black monkey' 
9. /'gí ̵dá/ 'to swallow' 
10. /ŋà'θá/ 'large ant' 
11. /ñà'ŋóř-éy/ (type=of=ant-pl.) 'ants' 
12. /θò'bó/ 'snake' 
13. /ló'béí ̵b 'clay pot' 
14. /'j ̆íkìb-'á:b/ (rubber=tree-piece) 'rubber' 
15. /ò-'pàřìj ̆à/ (I-drunk) 'I am drunk.' 
16. /'ká:dèná/ 'Why?' 
17. /pé'kóà/ 'howler monkey' 
18. /'támòá:b/ (type of bird) 'jacu' 
19. /'čápè/ 'fishing line' 
20. /ò-'píčẽ ̀/ (I-leave) 'I leave.' 
21. /wà'číŋà/ 'sweet potato' 
22. /yà'j ̆í ̵:g/ 'red' 
23. /'ñób'ñóbá/ 'chewing' 
24. /'θámθàm/ proper name 
25. /tó'řóy-à/ (palm=tree-fruit) type of palm fruit 
26. /ì'šón/ 'rotten' 
27. /ò-pèřè'ì/ (I-think) 'I think.' 
28. /è-y'ká:b/ (your=sg.-tooth) 'your tooth' 
29. /mèèg-'éy/ (corn-pl.) 'corn' 
30. /wàlèd-'mí ̵g/ (woman-child) 'girl' 
31. /θòè'pã y/ 'to play' 
32. /mò'é/ 'son' 
33. /àř'má-éy/ (type=of=bee-pl.) 'bees' 
34. /mà'óřmá/ 'give to me' 
35. /tí ̵yí ̵b'à:/ type of bird 
36. /šà'póm/ 'tail' 
37. /šì ̵ř'ší ̵ř/ type of bird 
38. /'léřég/ 'skin' 
39. /čò'méì ̵d/ type of monkey 
40. /kàm'ŋì ̵d/ 'smells good' 
41. /'dí ̵yá/ 'shooting arrow' 
42. /'mĩ ̵:y/ 'one' 
43. /'kí ̵b/ 'cutting' 
 36 
44. /'bí ̵:řá/ 'full' 
45. /pà'lódìná/ ? 
46. /ò-'j ̆é/ (I-past) 'I' 
47. /'ñépíb/ proper name 
48. /'tóy-ñóm'à:/ (our-breast) 'our breasts' 
49. /θògòy'j ̆óřà/ type of snake 
50. /ò-'wé:řá/ (I-walk) 'I walk.' 
51. /kò'řóyà/ 'frog' 
52. /mà'wíř/ (type of bird) 'nambu' 
53. /'wóbá/ 'windy' 
54. /màm'ŋíř/ 'unripe brazil nut' 
55. /ŋà'méb/ type of wasp 
56. /'àwì ̵řì ̵/ 'dog' 
57. /θò'gíř/ proper name 
58. /ò-'yígàyèd/ (my-spouse) 'my spouse' 
59. /'mèm/ 'clay plate' 
60. /yò'pé:nà/ 'leaf of cará' 
61. /è-'tágõ ̀/ (you=sg.-tired) 'You are tired.' 
62. /ò-'tágõ ̀/ (I-tired) 'I am tired.' 
63. /ì'póy/ 'large' 
64. /è-'wé:řá/ (you=sg.-walk) 'You walk.' 
65. /à-'wé:řá/ (he-walk) 'He walks.' 
66. /ò-θì'tàŋĩ ̀/ (I-cold) 'I am cold.' 
67. /è-θì'tàŋĩ ̀/ (you=sg.-cold) 'You are cold.' 
68. /pà-lò'nĩ ̀/ (we=incl.-lost) 'We are lost!' 
69. /è-'lá/ (your=sg.-liver) 'Your liver.' 
70. /è-'j ̆é/ (you=sg.-past) 'you' 
71. /ò:-'ñáŋá/ (I-laugh) 'I laugh.' 
72. /è:-'ñáŋá/ (you=sg.-laugh) 'You laugh.' 
73. /'í:čèř/ 'water' 
74. /mè'kóčìd/ 'domestic cat' 
75. /'mábèìm/ proper name 
76. /mò'tíŋ/ 'worm' 
77. /í'wà/ 'eat' 
78. /ì'yátìř/ 'corn drink' 
79. /nà'šì/ type of ant 
 37 
80. /pè'šóg/ 'dirty' 
81. /ò-ŋó-'šéř/ (my-mouth-___) 'my tongue' 
82. /ò-'máyšán/ (my-cross=cousin) 'my cousin' 
83. /píì'ín type of bird 
84. /'í ̵ř-pì ̵g/ (bow-child) 'small bow' 
85. /'páyáy-káb/ (grass-piece) 'rice' 
86. /'póg'pógá/ 'fanning' 
87. /lí:b'tì/ type of lizard 
88. /'čí ̵:ná/ 'give' 
89. /'kékε ̀ŋ/ 'small lizard' 
90. /pà'némìkòy/ 'menstruation' 
91. /'ní ̵:n-éy/ (type=of=bird-pl.) 'birds' 
92. /tá:-'nář-éy/ (their-head-pl.) 'their heads' 
93. /'nó:à/ (type of seed for red dye) 'urucu' 
94. /'íñì ̵d/ 'small bird' 
95. /'ŋé:řpã ̀/ 'spider' 
96. /ò-'máìd/ (my-daughter) 'my daughter' 
97. /'číg'óm/ 'shiny' 
98. /ò-kò-'ágtẽ ̀/ (my-mouth-____) 'I yawn.' 
99. /'óyòyód/ type of bird 
100. /'tóŋ'tóŋá/ 'pounding' 
101. /ó-'lòb/ (my-father) 'my father' 
102. /ŋáθò'í ̵:b-éy/ (type=of=bee-pl.) 'bees' 
103. /'í:b-éy/ (tree-pl.) 'trees' 
104. /ò-'íd-ì̵d/ (____-small) 'young person' 
105. /'gí ̵d'gí ̵dá/ 'drinking' 
106. /'à:gòy/ 'to go down' 
107. /ŋò'án-éy/ (rainbow-pl.) 'rainbows' 
108. /'šín'šíná/ 'sniffing' 
109. /ká'θář-ñí ̵n/ (macaw-____) 'small macaw' 
110. /má'wí ̵g-éy/ (type=of=bird-pl.) 'birds' 
111. /ò-mà-'í ̵ř/ (my-____-bow) 'my bow' 
112. /'yámŋàd/ 'bamboo field' 
113. /bí:b'téřáb/ 'palm-leaf belt' 
114. /dàg-'éy/ (pocket=knife-pl.) 'pocket knives' 
115. /à'kóbtìà/ 'cocoa fruit' 
 38 
116. /ší'bòř/ 'quati' 
117. /θò'dáb/ 'ant' 
118. /'óy-pì ̵g/ (man-child) 'boy' 
119. /'θóà-'óm/ (food-neg.) 'no food' 
120. /wéy'tàŋ/ proper name 
121. /à'néř/ 'today' 
122. /tóy-čí'tí/ (our=excl.-basket) 'our basket' 
123. /'àwì ̵řì ̵-pí ̵g/ (dog-child) 'puppy' 
124. /pà'ŋápì ̵m/ 'sunset' 
125. /'mí ̵ŋá/ 'dark' 
126. /'káb'kábá/ 'scratching' 
127. /làb-'móy/ (house-large) 'large house' 
128. /ò-'mábòkáb'níà/ (my-thumb) 'my thumb' 
129. /í:b-'θégà/ (tree-crown) 'crown of tree' 
130. /'ŋáblòn'éy/ 'army ants' 
131. /'pád'pádá/ 'boiling' 
132. /ná'bèkòd-'ŋã ̀ř/ (knife-bone) 'needle' 
133. /'dí ̵g'dí ̵gá/ 'stretching' 
134. /ò-kò-'ágmà/ (my-mouth-____) 'I yawn.' 
135. /wág'wágá/ 'sweeping' 
136. /'wób'wóbá/ 'wind blowing' 
137. /ší ̵g'ší ̵gá/ 'dancing' 
138. /lág'lágá/ 'sniffing' 
139. /kàm'nág/ 'fat' 
140. /'mán'máná/ 'winding up' 
141. /šì'kónŋà/ 'to melt' 
142. /'mí ̵ŋ'mí ̵ŋá/ 'blinking eyes' 
143. /ŋóbèř'tá:b/ type of bee 
144. /ŋář'kí ̵b/ 'tick' 
145. /'ŋářbà/ 'day' 
146. /lóř'ŋí ̵b/ 'thunder' 
147. /š-à'nář-θín/ (his-head-hair) 'his hair' 
148. /tóy-bè'tígà/ (our=excl.-chin piece 'our chin piece' 
149. /ò-wéy'wã / (I-talk) 'I talk.' 
150. /nì'tí-éy/ (basket-pl.) 'baskets' 
151. /ì'ób/ 'red' 
 39 
152. /wà'péà/ 'thorn' 
153. /'yářè-'óm/ (____-neg.) 'crazy' 
154. /'àwì ̵řì-'éy/ (dog-pl.) 'dogs' 
155. /wá'áb/ 'flute' 
156. /'ó-òm/ (my-brother=in=law) 'my brother-in-law' 
157. /à-'õ ̀/ (he-dies) 'He dies.' 
158. /ò-'ópè/ (my-thigh) 'my thigh' 
159. /'bí ̵g'bí ̵gá/ ? 
l60. /'čí ̵gčì ̵ŋ/ 'small ant' 
 
 
FOOTNOTES 
1. The Suruí language is spoken by the Suruí Indians, a small tribe located approximately 
250 miles southeast of Porto Velho, Rondônia. The data used in this analysis were gathered at 
the Sete de Setembro Post of the Fundação Nacional do Índio. The first peaceful contact with 
this tribe was made in June of 1969. There are approximately 250 Suruí at the present time. The 
Suruí are still mostly monolingual. The data were gathered intermittently over a five-year period 
from November 1971 to December 1976. The main informants were: Oréya, 18 years old; Ŋámi 
(Anine), 14 years old; Cádio, 18 years old; Naramatíga, 25 years old; and Oyówa (Kokó), 40 
years old. No informant was available in the last stages of the analysis. 
2. J.C. Melatti, Índios do Brasil (Brasília: (Coordenada-editora Brasília Ltda.), 1972), pp. 
44-45 in note no. 48.