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This article was downloaded by: [200.222.1.254] On: 31 July 2015, At: 11:33 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London, SW1P 1WG Women: A Cultural Review Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rwcr20 Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket Kukhee Choo Published online: 10 Nov 2008. To cite this article: Kukhee Choo (2008) Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket , Women: A Cultural Review, 19:3, 275-296, DOI: 10.1080/09574040802137243 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040802137243 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. 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Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rwcr20 http://www.tandfonline.com/action/showCitFormats?doi=10.1080/09574040802137243 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040802137243 http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions Girls Return Home: Portrayal of Femininity in Popular Japanese Girls’ Manga and Anime Texts during the 1990s in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket URING the later months of 2005, a live-action television drama entitled Hana yori Dango (the Japanese term for ‘Boys over Flowers’) aired on Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS) in Japan. This drama was based on a record-breakingly popular shōjo manga (the term for girls’ comic books; no italics henceforth) that was serialised from 1992 to 2004, and which resulted in a series of thirty-six books, a television animation that aired in Japan from 1996 to 1997, and two live-action television drama series (shown in Taiwan).1 The Japanese television drama was such a success that the sequel aired on TBS from 5 January 2007 to 16 March 2007. Additionally, in a TBS weekly report on 23 February 2007, Hana yori Dango topped the charts with 26.3 per cent of viewer ratings (on the Ōsama no Buranchi television programme). What is significant about this example is that many of the current Japanese live-action television dramas are being adapted from popular comic books, mostly shōjo manga, and this trend has gradually increased since the early 1990s. 1 Two drama series were produced in Taiwan, from 2001, under the title Meteor Garden. Additionally, the four male characters (F4) featured in the Taiwanese drama maintain their popular entertainer status in Taiwan under the same group name. D w K U K H E E C H O O....................................................................................................... .................................................................................................................................... Women: a cultural review Vol. 19. No. 3. ISSN 0957-4042 print/ISSN 1470-1367 online # 2008 Taylor & Francis http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals DOI: 10.1080/09574040802137243 D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 When a series such as Hana yori Dango is continuously reproduced, over a fifteen-year span, in various media such as anime (the Japanese term for animation; no italics henceforth) and live-action television drama, one may wonder what elements attracted such unprecedented popularity. Analysing such texts, as John Fiske states, is to ‘Expose their contra- dictions, their meanings that escape control, their producerly invitations; to ask what it is within them that has attracted popular approval’ (1989: 105). The emergence of the shōjo manga industry during the 1960s to 1970s may have provided female artists and their viewers with a sphere where they could openly resist, subvert and reappropriate the limited social participatory roles to which they were confined. However, since the 1990s there has been a shift towards a more domestic portrayal of femininity that seems to suggest a new formation of gender relationships. By scrutinising the trends of popular Japanese shōjo manga, I hope to provide a broader understanding of the gender dynamics in contemporary Japanese popular culture and media. This article will examine the portrayal of idealised femininity as depicted in contemporary popular shōjo manga and anime texts in order to better understand how Japanese females construct their own concepts of femininity.2 In 2005, the four highest-grossing shōjo manga were Nana (2000), Hana yori Dango (1993), Fruits Basket (1999) and Peach Girl (1998). I have selected Hana yori Dango (1993, 1996) and Fruits Basket (1999, 2001) manga and anime series because of their vast popularity in both the domestic and global market. Spanning over eleven years, Hana yori Dango has been the highest-grossing shōjo manga series in Japanese history. Fruits Basket has occupied the annual top-ten sales position in Japan since its first publication in 1999. Most importantly, the series is the highest- grossing Japanese shōjo manga series in the US market.3 This paper examines the narrative content of such highly popular series to illustrate what kind of femininities are being produced, consumed and appropriated in Japan and the global market. Both Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket feature a female protagonist who enters into the male protagonist’s household as a housekeeper or maid. Through exhibiting domestic devotion to prove themselves worthy of acknowledgement by the male protagonists’ families, the females endure domestic drudgery and even violence inflicted upon them. To analyse this pattern in the popular shōjo manga plot structure, I will raise the following questions: How are these female protagonists portrayed within the gender relations in the narratives created by female authors? How do the texts construct ideal femininity and how is it manifested in the texts? And how is the relationship of domesticity and social independence negotiated within these narratives? As more and more Japanese anime, television live-action 2 Anime adapted from manga series may sometimes differ in narrative content * which may highlight violence that was not depicted in the original manga (as in the case of Fruits Basket). However, the overall portrayal of idealised femininity does not change very much when manga is cross- produced into anime (Hana yori Dango is identical in terms of narrative content). All the images provided in this paper are from the anime series. 3 According to the Tokyopop website, the official US distributor of the series, Fruits Basket is the top grossing shōjo manga title sold in the US. Furthermore, among the USA Today 150 Best-Selling Books Database, Fruits Basket ranked at #93 in 2005 and #96 in April, 2006. 276 � WOMEN: ACULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 drama and manga series continue to flood the global market, tackling these questions may not only give us insight into the representation of gender relationships in Japanese culture, but also contributes to a geographical feminist resistance against gender stereotypes on a global media scale. The Popularity of Japanese Manga According to the Japanese 2005 Information Media White Papers (2004), manga publication reaches up to forty per cent of the entire Japanese publication industry*a statistic that makes manga a medium whose scope and social influence cannot be ignored (Fukushima 1992: 29). Manga is divided into various genres in Japan, and the division between genders is the most prominent: shōnen (boys), shōjo (girls), women, young men, boys’ love and so on. Furthermore, shōjo manga accounts for approximately thirty per cent of the entire manga publication industry. The majority of authors are female and the readership consists mainly of females of all ages.4 Although shōjo manga mainly targets adolescent girls, women in their twenties, thirties and forties may well continue reading popular shōjo manga even when beyond the targeted age group. Gender stereotypes may be strengthened through simplistic narratives aimed at children, and the fact that readership continues on into adulthood may have an internalising, recycling effect. It might be difficult for people who are not familiar with Japanese culture to grasp the domination of manga as a print media industry. With annual publications of over 20,000 titles, many of the manga titles are serialised in weekly, bi-weekly and monthly magazines, ranging up to 300 magazines per year (Figure 1). Furthermore, the average annual manga sales figure in Japan is approximately $4.5 billion, accounting for forty per cent of the entire publication market share (Information Media White Papers, 2005). Manga magazines are divided into various sub-genres with approxi- mately thirty-seven per cent (Girls�Women�Boys’ love) aimed at female audiences of all ages (Figure 2). However, this number excludes Hobbies/Sports and Adult-oriented manga magazines, providing an estimated additional three to five per cent, which adds up to a total of forty to forty-two per cent (my estimation). Although the Japanese government launched a fully fledged interna- tional promotion of anime and video games into the global market after passing the Contents Industry Act in 2004, there was a lack of emphasis on promoting manga because it is not as popular as anime in the West. 4 Although shōjo manga includes male authorship and readership, it is still considered less acceptable for a male to openly associate himself with the female genre in Japan. GIRLS RETURN HOME � 277 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 However, the massive anime industry depends on the solid presence of the manga industry in Japan because the majority of anime are adapted from popular manga titles. This is also true for many contemporary live- action television dramas and films. The scope of manga’s influence on Japan’s mainstream media culture is unmatchable. In general, shōjo manga artists may start their career during their teens and then move onto producing more mature content as they grow older. There is no age limitation on becoming a manga artist. However, it seems likely that shōjo manga artists might have more restrictions because of their marital conditions; shōjo manga artists may start during their teens Boys' Comics 23 (8%) Girls' Comics 40 (13.7%) Young Men's Comics 58 (19.9%) Women's Comics 55 (18.9%) 4 Frames 18 (6.2%) Pachinko 26 (8.9%) Boys' Love Comics 11 (3.8%) Hobby/Sports 4 (1.4%) Adult-oriented Comics 56 (19.2%) Figure 2. Detailed genres of the 291 manga magazines published in 2003. Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005. 207 209 215 215 223 216 217 228 66 65 63 65 66 61 64 63 0 100 200 300 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 For Children For Adults Figure 1. Total number of published manga magazines. Resource: Japan’s Information Media White Papers, 2005. 278 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 and may more or less disappear from the scene after getting married, unless they become successful. If an artist is able to produce a ‘hit’, then the magazine publisher would demand that the artist drag out the series in order to sell more issues over a longer period, as was the case for Kamio Yōko, the creator of Hana yori Dango. The series lasted for over eleven years and the stories became formulaic as the series continued. Since there are no accessible official records of contract details or payment records to artists, it is difficult to accurately enumerate Kamio Yōko’s net profit. Nonetheless, considering the licensing of her manga series into anime production, numerous international live-action drama productions and the vast-ranging, related merchandising goods, it is not difficult to imagine the scale of her success. Japanese Shōjo Manga and Anime Studies Even with such high circulation and popularity, manga and anime studies are still underdeveloped both inside and outside Japan. Though many studies on anime have emerged in the West since the late 1990s, few have become established as trend-setting. Anne Allison has explored the relationship between the male gaze and fetishised female body parts in erotic manga (1998). Sharon Kinsella focused on the shifting organisa- tional aspect of manga as both a subculture and a mainstream industry (2000). Sharalyn Orbaugh, who examines the visual hybridity of gender in shōjo manga, anime and video games, has provided an analysis of how the female body has crossed over into the male realm, thus producing visually androgynous shōjo characters (2003). In her book, Anime: From Akira to Princess Mononoke (2000), Susan Napier examines the character- istics of shōjo in Miyazaki Hayao’s anime films and romantic comedy anime (2000: 141). Although Napier provides an analysis on shōjo, however, her argument is mostly based on female protagonists within selected shōnen titles popular in the United States.5 Since the late 1990s, many studies have emerged focusing on both Pokemon and Sailor Moon as global phenomena, with some of them paying attention to gender dynamics. Sailor Moon, however, was primarily targeted at pre-school and pre-adolescent girls, an age group that does not accurately fall under shōjo (which would generally be comprised of elementary school girls in their later years and upwards).6 Overall, many of the western studies on the shōjo genre have either been untimely (analysing titles from the 1970s or 1980s), inaccurate (undiffer- entiating in relation to the children and shōjo manga audiences) or misleading (focusing on the homoerotic ‘boys’ love’ Yaoi genre, that only 5 Napier ’ s ana ly s i s focuses on Urusei Yatsura, Oh My Goddess and Video Girl Ai, none of which were produced for the shōjo audience. 6 A study by Mary Grigsby fails to mention the targeted age-group for Nakayoshi readership, which is considered an introductory magazine to manga for pre-adolescent girls. As Schodt states, if the female readership of manga ranges from five to eighteen years old (35), then Nakayoshi is aimed at five years and upwards. GIRLS RETURN HOME � 279 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 31 Ju ly 2 01 5 accounts for 3.8 per cent of the manga publication industry). This trend has dominated the field of manga and anime studies in the West and painted for the western audience an obscure picture of shōjo manga and its readership in Japan. As for Japanese scholars, manga and anime are yet to be considered worthy of academic attention. The literature on manga and anime is mostly on the history, genre distinction or personal impressions of certain manga. Ōtsuki Takahiro’s study on the rabukome (love comedy) formula in shōjo manga is one such example. He argues that the differentiation of the shōjo manga genre from shōnen manga is meaningless because of the cross-over effect of the love comedy narratives into the boy’s realm, and the ‘blood, sweat, and tears’ sports’ spirit themes into the girl’s realm (2003: 168�71). Furthermore, Ōtsuki claims that owing to this spill-over effect, many male readers regularly enjoy shōjo manga and, thus, it has become unnecessary to differentiate between shōnen/shōjo (172). Although interesting, Ōtsuki’s argument focuses on his own experience and seems to trivialise the shōjo genre as a spin-off imitation of the shōnen, confirming the gender bias within Japan, which assumes that shōjo manga could never be as important as shōnen manga. What Girls Want: Trends in Popular Shōjo Manga and Anime Popular shōjo manga of the 1970s and 1980s focused on female protagonists who were active in public realms, such as sports, entertain- ment, art or politics. This is evidenced by series such as The Rose of Versailles (1972), Aim for the Ace! (1973), Candy Candy (1975), The Mask of Glass (1976), Swan (1976), Yukan Kurabu (1982) and Encore ga Sankai (1985). Although these titles also focused on romance, the careers of the female protagonists were the major driving force of the narrative. For example, in Candy Candy, the female protagonist Candy is an orphan who enters a wealthy family as a maid, but ends up being adopted by a wealthier benefactor and travels around the world receiving a good education. Candy then gains employment as a social worker after she receives her education. Although romance is an important element throughout the plot, it does not preclude Candy from pursuing her own ambitions in the public realm, nor is it the driving force of the narrative. In contrast, popular series during the 1990s seemed to focus more on the romance itself, without the female protagonist having any particular public goals. Unlike the wish-fulfillment narrative structure of the 1970s and 1980s, where the female protagonist would prioritise her 280 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 career (and romance would come naturally), contemporary shōjo narratives focus more on the romance itself*how to get the boy-of- their-dreams is the driving force of the narrative. Like the shōnen genre that often follows the narrative trend of ‘loser male surrounded by many females’, the contemporary shōjo genre focuses on ‘loser female gets prince charming’ (Ninomiya 2005: 11). Kinsella notes that since the 1960s, Japan has equated ‘[t]he qualities of introspection, immaturity, escapism, and the resistance to entering Japanese society’ with ‘youth, youth culture, and manga’ (1998: 292). Yet, I would argue, the seemingly immature and escapist narratives were empowering tools and outlets for the female political voice. Kinsella further asserts that In the mid-1970s early girls’ manga was perceived by some leftist critics as a reactionary cultural retreat from politics and social issues to petty personal themes. Girls’ manga and soft (yasashii) culture were associated with the decline of political and cultural resistance in the early 1970s, sometimes referred to in Japanese as the ‘doldrums’ (shirake). But by the 1990s, individualistic personal themes in girls’ manga were being perceived as stubbornly self-interested, decadent, and antisocial (Kinsella 1998: 314). From the 1960s to the 1980s there was a lack of social venues for shōjo to be politically active. This may explain the trend towards empowered female individuals (with individual desires and success) in shōjo narratives. They might have been fulfilling their political desires through ‘escapist’ narratives that centred on romantic European periods in political turmoil, such as in The Rose of Versailles (1972) and Candy Candy (1975). Furthermore, Kinsella seems to collate the individualism of the 1970s (in terms of personal, social and political success) with the individualism of the 1990s (and a self-absorbed personal success in being ‘getting the boy’). The shifting narratives in mainstream shōjo manga over the 1990s seem actually to counter what Kinsella notes as being ‘antisocial’*where successful relationships with the male protagonist only conform to the hetero-social norms, thus making the female protagonists more ‘social’ than ‘antisocial’. More noteworthy is that many of the highly popular series depict the female protagonists as housekeepers who enter the male protagonists’ households. Though this may simply appear to be a loss of social status, especially from a western feminist standpoint, it is important to understand the Japanese context of being a housekeeper, and how it may function in these shōjo texts. This cultural context does not necessarily negate the fact that being a maid appears to be a step-down from previous shōjo depictions. GIRLS RETURN HOME � 281 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 The overwhelmingly popular series Hana yori Dango, and many other contemporary top-ten popular shōjo manga series, such as Kaikan Phrase (1997), Fruits Basket (1999) and Paradise Kiss (2000), all contain this typical romance-driven plot structure. Although series such as Peach Girl (1998), Kareshi Kanojo no Jijō (1999), Nana (2000) and Nodame Cantabile (2002) seemingly portray the male and female protagonists on equal grounds in terms of ability, the female protagonist’s unconditional acceptance of the male remains unchallenged. Such ‘unconditionally-accommodating’, ‘ideal’ female figures have been one of the trademarks for shōnen manga, yet why has it been emerging as a mainstream narrative trend among shōjo manga as well? The following sections will analyse the intricate gender relationships in contemporary shōjo manga, especially the dynamics of female figures in the multi-faceted role of mother, strong independent girl, and cute and sexualised female. Not only do the recent female characters have to be strong and independent, like those in the earlier shōjo manga narratives, but they also have to be cute, submissive, sexy and even be willing to endure physical abuse. Where is the pleasure in all of this for female readers? A thorough analysis of the portrayal of femininity in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket will give us a better grasp of the shifting gender dynamics in Japan. Plot Summaries of Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket Created in 1992 by Kamio Yōko for Magaret, a shōjo comic magazine, Hana yori Dango is about a modern day Cinderella. Female protagonist Makino Tsukushi, a poor student who enters a private high school beyond her family’s means, wants to spend her high school days peacefully, without being noticed, since the school has a notorious ijime (bullying) gang called F4 (Flower 4). F4 consists of four of the wealthiest, most good-looking, and thus most spoiled male students at the school. When F4 posts a red flag on a targeted student’s locker, the rest of the student body will voluntarily bully the marked student. No one dares to stand up to F4 except Tsukushi who, after witnessing a classmate being harassed, losesher temper and kicks the leader of F4, Dōmyōji Tsukasa, in the face. Since this incident, Tsukushi has been subjected to endless bullying and harassment by F4 and, consequently, by the rest of the student body. However, after declaring war against F4 by placing red flags on each of their foreheads, Tsukushi becomes a semi-heroine among the weak students. Before long, Dōmyōji becomes infatuated with Tsukushi 282 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 because she reminds him of his headstrong older sister. Hence the long courtship begins. The entire series centres around Tsukushi’s oscillating behaviour towards Dōmyōji. Tsukushi and Dōmyōji struggle to learn how to adapt to each other’s communication style and class differences. Tsukushi constantly tries to throw Dōmyōji off, yet whenever he seems to give up on her, Tsukushi reconfirms her affection towards him. However, as the storyline introduces various characters that interfere with the protago- nists’ romance, including Dōmyōji’s snobbish mother Dōmyōji Kaede, the destiny of the two seems to drift apart. However, when Tsukushi enters the Dōmyōji household as a maid, to gain the approval of his mother, the romance between the two protagonists blossoms. The other popular series, Fruits Basket, was created by Takaya Natsuki for the Hana to Yume shōjo comics magazine in 1999. Aired on TV Tokyo from July to December 2001, the anime series was popular not only among female viewers, but also among male viewers. Importantly, this series was purchased by FUNimation Entertainment Ltd., a distribution company in the US that already holds rights to famous series such as Dragon Ball Z. The story is based on twelve Chinese traditional mythological animal gods (junishi) in a modern setting. The Sōma clan is cursed by fate to carry on the twelve animal gods’ spirits into their family members. Depending on the corresponding animal spirit that a Sōma clan member is born with, s/he turns into that animal when a person of the opposite sex embraces them. The female protagonist Honda Tōru is an orphaned high school student who ends up living in a tent on the Sōma family’s premises after her mother dies (her father died when she was a child). After Sōma Yuki, the student president of Tōru’s high school, and other Sōma members discover her tent, they invite her to stay with them. Tōru agrees to become their housekeeper in order to pay back the favour. Tōru is considered incompetent in many aspects of her daily life. Because of her weaknesses, she has a hard time asserting herself when difficult situations arise. However, after Tōru befriends Sōma Yuki, her lifestyle changes drastically. Through various encounters with other Sōma clan members, Tōru learns about their family secret and the pain that each member experiences because of the curse. Through Tōru’s emotional acceptance and support, each Sōma member learns how to deal with their problems, and Tōru also receives the benefit of having their support in return. Furthermore, when Tōru becomes the target of bullying by the head of the Sōma clan, Sōma Akito, the other Sōma members fight to protect her. Throughout the series, Akito is portrayed as a violent male. However, towards the end of the series, it is revealed that he is in fact a GIRLS RETURN HOME � 283 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 female raised as a male, and thus his/her angst has another gender twist. By accepting and forgiving Akito, Tōru is able to win his/her heart in the end. The series shows how Tōru slowly becomes a part of the wealthy and powerful Sōma family, and her status as a housekeeper is bizarrely appropriate throughout this process. How Kawaii! (cute): The Shōjo’s Struggle for Independence Being a shōjo in Japan not only requires behaving according to one’s physical age, but it also necessitates behavioural traits that are related to kawaii (cuteness). John Treat explains, ‘The word most often associated with this shōjo culture is kawaii, or ‘‘cute’’’ (1996: 281). Though the term ‘cute’ may be associated with a more positive, out-going attitude in the West, the Japanese idea of cuteness includes a degree of weakness that makes the shōjo dependent on others. According to Sharon Kinsella, the terms ‘cute’ (kawaii) and ‘pitiful’ (kawaisō) may produce similar reactions in Japan: Although cute was principally about childishness, a sense of weakness and disability*which is a part of childishness*was a very important constituent of the cute aesthetic. In fact cute and pitiful were often the same thing (Kinsella 1995: 236). In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi works part-time at a traditional Japanese bakery in order to help her family. They send Tsukushi to an expensive private high school beyond their means, expecting that she will one day marry a rich man. After her father loses his job, Tsukushi feels as though she is pushed by her family to marry Dōmyōji under financial constraints*the source of the constant oscillation of her feelings towards him*which causes her to further evade his love. The series portrays Tsukushi as a headstrong girl who wants to help her family without receiving any help from Dōmyōji. Her attempt to help her family financially, ‘on her own’, without the means to do so, makes Tsukushi appear to be kawaisō (pathetic) and kawaii (cute) at the same time: kawaisō because she cannot substantially help her four-member family living in a single-room house; kawaii because of her attempt to avoid the acceptance of financial help from Dōmyōji by being independent. She eventually gives in to his affluent support (although she tries to pay it back through being a maid in his house). In Fruits Basket, Tōru’s kawaisō (pitiful) life*her struggle to earn her meagerly wage as a night janitor*is glossed over by her kawaii attitude: a smiley, absent-minded and childlike behaviour. Tōru’s overcompensating 284 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 behaviour further entices the Sōma family members and her friends to feel more sympathetic towards her. Even though Tōru experiences more hardship than her friends Arisa and Saki, both of whom are considered marginalised by Japanese society for being a gangster and a ‘goth’, it is Tōru who offers emotional support to both of them by being optimistic and innocent (Figure 3). Even though Tōru works amongst older women at a tough night job, she is not jaded by the harshness of her reality and maintains her ‘cute’ attitude. The same can be said about Tsukushi, who does not lose her innocence and integrity even when surrounded by wealthier girls who consider money to be the most important aspect of life: Tsukushi is considered to be ‘cuter’ than her high-class school mates who are dependent on their family’s wealth. Sex, Violence and Shōjo In contemporary Japan, a shōjo being kawaii is not always related to innocence alone*it can be sexualised as well. As Treat states, ‘A kawaii girl is attractive, and thus valorised, but lacks libidinal agency of her own’, which can be applied to both Tsukushi and Tōru because they do not have any sexual agency. However, as Treat further adds, ‘Others may sexually desire the shōjo’ (1996: 281). Brian McVeigh (2000) also explains that this cuteness and weakness can be used by the media to portray sexual images of females that are less threatening to men: Figure 3. Tōru standing with Arisa (left) and Saki (right), who are considered marginalised characters in the series.Tōru appears to be the most innocent and ‘cute’ in her maid outfit. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA �TV �TOKYO �NAS Fruba GIRLS RETURN HOME � 285 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 The strong association of the characteristics of children with women indicates a symbolic attempt on the part of men to place females in a controllable social position. This is most clearly seen in the portrayal of women in commercials, manga (comic books; read by all ages in Japan) and pornography (pornography cuteness) (McVeigh 2000: 147). If such is the case for shōjo sexuality, being cute (and weak) may mean that the shōjo has a resigned disposition when they encounter a sexual situation, which is often accompanied by violence in many manga texts. Referring to ero manga (erotic comics) in Japan, Anne Allison notes that, ‘Sexuality is heavily imbricated with violence in Japanese comics’ (2000: 71). Both protagonists in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket appear to be innocent and pure, yet it is through the subtle manifestation of violence that they are sexualised. In Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is attacked by a group of male students when she is blacklisted by F4. The male students chase Tsukushi around and when they finally ‘capture’ her (Figure 4), they pin her to the ground and start to assault her in a manner that resembles gang rape. The students tear Tsukushi’s school uniform, but fail to follow through with more violence when Dōmyōji appears and stops them. As Dōmyōji is responsible for the attacks on Tsukushi by blacklisting her, he is also the one who can protect her from the aggression of other males. In this regard, Dōmyōji owns Tsukushi’s body because he gets to decide when, where and by whom her body can be sexualised. Another scene where violence is mixed with sexual aggression is when Dōmyōji finds out that Tsukushi has feelings towards Rui, another F4 Figure 4. Tsukushi is bullied by a gang of fellow schoolmates after being blacklisted by the F4 members. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation 286 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 male student. Out of jealousy, Dōmyōji randomly assaults fellow students at school and eventually chases after the fearful Tsukushi. After Tsukushi stumbles and falls to the ground, Dōmyōji grabs onto her and ignores her plea to let go (Figure 5). After kissing Tsukushi, Dōmyōji attempts to tear off her clothes. When Tsukushi starts to cry, he feels remorseful and apologises for his actions. Dōmyōji’s violent aggression is absolved through Tsukushi accepting his apology. This scene leaves the viewers with mixed emotions about how to process Dōmyōji’s behaviour*whether to accept or condemn it. The main violent offender in Fruits Basket is Sōma Akito, the head, and the so-called ‘god’, of the Sōma clan who is destined to die for the family in order to ‘contain’ the curse. Each reincarnation cycle has a designated sacrifice and Akito is the current generation’s victim. Out of sympathy (and perhaps filial piety), Sōma family members allow Akito to behave according to whim and often endure the physical violence he inflicts upon them.7 Akito is jealous and obsessed with Tōru because he feels that his relatives pay more attention to her than to him. He lurks behind Tōru’s every move for an opportunity to find fault with her. In the final anime episode, Tōru visits the main Sōma household where Akito resides. Although she tries to empathise with Akito’s painful destiny, he ends up brutally attacking her. Akito grabs Tōru by her hair and pushes her body down as if to make her kneel. The other two Sōma members, Yuki and Hatori, try to stop Akito by holding him back, but Akito does not let go of his grip on Tōru’s hair (Figure 6). However, she does not resist and appears to be submitting through bowing. This evokes a sexualised imagery that is commonly associated with adult manga. As Allison explains, the relationship between female submission Figure 5. Tsukushi struggles to get away from Dōmyōji as he grabs her. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation 7 At the time of writing, only the anime series was completed. Although Akito is revealed to be a female at the end of the manga series, she is portrayed as a male throughout the anime series. Thus, I will refer to Akito as a male. However, after the manga series was completed in 2006, the twist of the narrative only further confirms my analysis on gender as performance. GIRLS RETURN HOME � 287 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 and sexual violence is a common theme in manga texts geared towards mature women: ‘Women,’ of course, is primarily what and who men attack, and the construction of femaleness is based . . . on this position . . . Unlike men, they do not, often cannot, run away; and despite being attacked, they typically do nothing to defend themselves, let alone try to fight back (Allison 2000: 17). This type of violence was uncommon in early shōjo manga. In both Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket, the narratives position both protagonists in a situation where they are subject to violence and enforced sexualisation, which is similar to that of ero manga. Such a narrative undermines the independence they experience by exposing them to situations where they are dependent on the mercy of male characters. Shōjo and Motherhood Besides being kawaii, independent and sexualised, the female protagonists in Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket also take on the role of the ‘mother’. Commenting on the role of being a caretaker and mother in a Japanese household, Takie Lebra states, ‘The average woman is assumed to orient herself primarily to her family and kinship, and her life to center in and around the domestic realm’ (1984: 20). According to Lebra, this means a ‘corporate body of co-residents’ where each member performs his/her role to maintain the structure. Most importantly, Lebra claims that ‘a Figure 6. Akito pulls Tōru’s hair while Yuki (right) and Hatori try to stop him. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA �TV TOKYO �NAS �Fruba 288 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 functionally indispensable member may happen not to be a member of the stem family, as in the case of a competent servant or household employee’ (1984: 20). This point is crucial in understanding Japanese women’s view of being a person who is in ‘service’ for others in a household situation and how this concept is further manifested in texts created by them. As Tsukushi and Tōru both enter the male protagonists’ households as housekeepers, we can see how they are constructed as replacements for the absent mother figures. In Hana yori Dango, when Tsukushi enters the Dōmyōji household as a maid, a grandmother-like character named Tama trains Tsukushi. Tama has been a servant to the Dōmyōji family for many years and used to be a nanny to Kaede (Dōmyōji’s mother). Tama’s position in the Dōmyōji family is that of a mother, especially to Kaede. An interesting trajectory is portrayed through how Tama trains Tsukushi to become a good servant, or ‘mother’, to Dōmyōji, as Tama herself was to Kaede. Tama is revealed to be the most indispensable person in the Dōmyōji household, not only for being in charge of the household chores, but also for providing solid emotional support for Kaede. She trains Tsukushi to be a ‘mother’to Dōmyōji, which becomes a threat to his actual mother, Kaede. Not only does Tsukushi replace Kaede’s position as a mother, but she also replaces her role as a daughter to Tama. The power relationship within the household becomes obvious in a scene where Kaede finds out that Tsukushi has been working as a servant in her home. While trying to oust Tsukushi, Kaede is stopped by Tama, who threatens to leave her life-long position in the household if Tsukushi is made to leave. Tama, a short and crouched woman, stares defiantly at Kaede, the tall, elegantly-dressed, career-oriented breadwinner of the house. After a short pause, Kaede yields to Tama’s demands and allows Tsukushi to stay*not doing so would indicate being a bad ‘daughter’. This scene shows that Tama is in fact the central ‘mother’ figure of the Dōmyōji household, even though her position is that of a housekeeper. Similarly, in Fruits Basket, Tōru enters the Sōma household as a live-in housekeeper. She takes care of cleaning, cooking and miscellaneous household chores. Not only is Tōru a ‘mother’ through doing household labour, but also through her taking care of the emotional needs of each Sōma family member. When Tōru realises that most of the cursed Sōma family members have been rejected by their own parents, she is able to empathise with their pain. Having lost both her parents through illness and a car accident, Tōru understands the importance of parental love. She gives the Sōma family members a feeling of yasuragi (comfort), which enables them to open up and emotionally rely on her (even Akito who has been rejected by his own mother). As Lebra claims, ‘A woman GIRLS RETURN HOME � 289 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 through motherhood becomes the most indispensable person in the household’ (1984: 160). Tōru’s role as a mother wins her unconditional support and devotion from the Sōma family members, which resembles that of mother�child relationships. Contrary to Robertson’s argument that being a shōjo was considered to be the antithesis of being a mother (1998: 174), the female protagonists embody both the ‘mother’ and shōjo. Adapting to the position of a caretaker may be a conscious role that the females take on to compensate for their lack of social status. As evidenced in the cases of Tama and Kaede, and Tōru and the Sōma family, the shōjo’s ability to perform the role of a ‘mother’ seems to transcend the class barrier. In order for the females to assert their status proportionate to all the Prince Charmings, they may be reverting back to the most traditional and most con- servative*the ‘ultra’ domestic and nurturing*‘mother’ figure. Hierarchy of Gender Through Performance and Class The class system in manga and anime texts is something that is prominent, but rarely analysed. There are numerous shōjo narratives featuring middle- or lower-class female protagonists longing for upper- class male protagonists. In addition to Hana yori Dango and Fruits Basket, recent popular manga series such as W Juliet (1999), Kareshi Kanojo no Jijō (1999), Kaikan Phrase (1997), Paradise Kiss (2000) and Nodame Cantabile (2002) have female protagonists who are involved with male protagonists from ‘high-class’ families. It is rare to see a female protagonist in a shōjo text belonging to an upper-class family. In a scene in Hana yori Dango, Dōmyōji visits Tsukushi’s one-room tatami (traditional Japanese flooring) household*a stark contrast to his western-style mansion. Tsukushi feels embarrassed by her humble living conditions. When her mother serves him dinner, he is not familiar with some of the common Japanese dishes. However, after witnessing how elegantly Dōmyōji conducts himself while eating, Tsukushi admiringly thinks to herself, ‘No wonder he is from an extremely wealthy family.’ Tsukushi does not behave like an ojōsan (lady) as her fellow classmates do. Tsukushi is emotional and spontaneous. She talks loudly and can be physically aggressive, which makes her what Russo calls an ‘unruly woman’ (1986: 216) (Figure 7). Although Tsukushi claims that she is proud of her lowly background throughout the series, the fact that she is awed by Dōmyōji’s high-class mannerisms indicates her secret desire to be ladylike. 290 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 Interestingly enough, it is not the female characters who exhibit and define what ladylike femininity should be. Rather, more often than not, it is the male characters who embody feminine physical traits such as pretty faces, slender bodies and the aforementioned graceful mannerisms that place the female subject as inferior to the male. In shōjo texts, being effeminate does not detract from the male character’s appeal. Instead, it only enhances his charm and social status. As a matter of fact, the female subject is put in a lesser position because she is not able to ‘perform’ femininity better than the male characters. As Judith Butler notes about gender construction, ‘Identity is performatively constituted by the very ‘‘expressions’’ that are said to be its results’ (1990: 25). What Butler claims is that the performance aspect of one’s gender is itself the process of constructing one’s own gender identity. In an episode of Hana yori Dango, Tsukushi is kidnapped by Dōmyōji and taken to his mansion, where he pampers her with spa treatments, expensive fashion items and a proposition for her to ‘become’ his girlfriend. When Tsukushi realises that Dōmyōji is trying to ‘buy’ her love, she points out his arrogance and refuses the offer. Feeling rejected, Dōmyōji exclaims that he is a ‘walking brand’ and asks Tsukushi what makes her think a poor girl like her can refuse him. Tsukushi answers, ‘I am a no-brand woman.’ Since fashion and femininity are closely associated with each other, Dōmyōji’s knowledge of beauty and fashion makes him much more feminine than Tsukushi*as Butler argues that ‘regulatory norms of sex’ are constructed through repeated performance, which further normalises gender (1993: 532, 538). In shōjo manga, feminised masculinity is normalised through repeated performances of femininity. Associating gender construction with the modernisation process in Japan, Ayako Kano, following Butler, explains that acting Figure 7. Dōmyōji is surprised at Tsukushi’s unladylike language. # 2003 Yoko Kamio/Shueisha, Toei Animation GIRLS RETURN HOME � 291 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 like a woman in Japan was ‘taught, learned, rehearsed, and repeated’ (2001: 5). Kano uses male Kabuki actors as an example of gender performance.8 Similar to taking on the role of ‘mother’, embodying traditional Japanese qualities may function as a tool to narrow class discrepancy. When Tsukushi counters Dōmyōji’s materialistic proposal by stating that he should not view her like the other girls around him, he then truly falls in love with Tsukushi. Although Dōmyōji initially viewed Tsukushi as a temporary girlfriend, after Tsukushi claims that she is ‘different’ from other western-fashion-brand-driven ‘high-class’ girls, he then becomes more serious in his pursuit of her as a future bride. Tsukushi’s lowly background accentuates her domesticity and, thus, that she is authenti- cally Japanese and, ironically, this elevates to her a position equal to Dōmyōji. By contrast, the high-class environment in Fruits Basket is depicted through the Sōma household that strictly adheres to Japanese traditions. The architecture in which the head of the Sōma clan residesresembles that of a historical palace, indicating how powerful and wealthy the Sōma household would be in a Japanese context. Furthermore, Sōma Yuki speaks in a very polite manner with a feminine voice*aspects which symbolise gentility*and he has a pretty face (Figure 8). Not only Tōru’s social position, but also her femininity, is no match for that of Sōma Yuki. For her to be accepted by Sōma family standards, she has to follow their traditional rules, such as delivering extremely respectful locution and by becoming a household caretaker. As the examples have shown, the inferiority of the female characters is not established solely through the discrepancy in social status, but also through the physical beauty that the male protagonist embodies. With the female subject looking up to the male subject, who emits signs of more adequate femininity, the male body becomes the source of oppression for Figure 8. Tōru (centre), Yuki (right) and Kyō (left) in Fruits Basket. # 2001 Natsuki Takaya/HAKUSENSHA �TV TOKYO �NAS �Fruba 8 Kano explains that since theater performance in Japan was related to the male domain, they also took up performing ‘female’ roles. Kano notes that ‘prostitution continued to be associated with the theater, with the male actors available as sexual partners for male patrons, but the practice of onnagata eventually led to the development of a stylised art and made idealised femininity something that was represented by men’ (Kano 2001: 5). 292 � WOMEN: A CULTURAL REVIEW ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 the female protagonist. The female subject has to work hard, often by enacting traditional feminine nurturing roles, to match not only the male protagonist’s superior social position, but also his femininity. This is why the females may take on a role in which the males could not position themselves without threatening their masculinity: that of the domestic realm. Summary and Conclusion Recent popular Japanese shōjo manga and anime texts portray femininity as embodying both the traits of a mother-like caretaker and an independent sexualised girl. This portrayal differs from the dualistic media portrayal that, until the 1980s, was previously strictly divided into public versus domestic, and onto separate female bodies (Lebra 1984: 9). Through performing certain roles, the protagonists construct a femininity that is becoming more complex and demanding for an audience that may look up to such portrayals as desirable. If we agree with McVeigh that popular media texts in Japan function as self-presentation and self- preservation for Japanese women (2000: 147), neither the domestic nor the independent female is troublesome within their own realm. However, when debating which role to take, the female authors may be manifesting their own struggles. In the past, the shōjo manga and anime narratives focused on female protagonists aiming for higher public roles in the texts. One explanation could be that during the 1970s and 1980s there were less public positions for Japanese women, and there was more social discrimination against women who were publicly active, as witnessed in media portrayals up to the 1980s (Lebra 1984; Fukunishi Suzuki 1995). However, as Japanese women gained more social power through increased participation in the public domain, a nostalgic romanticisation seemed to be surfacing in relation to the domestic role. Moreover, with the increase in males taking on roles of fashion-conscious consumers during the 1990s (Brasor 1995)* an area that was previously accepted as belonging to women*Japanese women may feel pressure to reclaim their femininity and thus push for the ‘more’ feminine. This would be through positioning themselves in a role that even feminised males cannot perform*that of a traditional mother who is bound to domesticity. Similar to the female protagonists who often transform from an independent high school student to a traditional role of ‘mother’, the female manga artists themselves might also face similar struggles between work and family. Tsukushi has the option of accepting Dōmyōji’s love GIRLS RETURN HOME � 293 ....................................................................................................... D ow nl oa de d by [ 20 0. 22 2. 1. 25 4] a t 1 1: 33 3 1 Ju ly 2 01 5 and becoming a wealthy housewife, and Tōru could live with her relatives who are financially secure. But both female protagonists choose to live in poverty and work in part-time menial jobs in the public domain. This contradictory fragmentation of roles embodied in each protagonist is troublesome, in that it complicates and confuses the social identity of these females. On the one hand, they are an epitome of independent shōjo, but on the other, they are domestic ‘mothers’ who take care of other characters in the series. By taking on both roles, the female characters go through hardships and are placed under many emotional and physical burdens. However, this aspect is erased through the romance code of getting the male(s). With the Japanese government enthusiastically promoting the con- tents industry on a global scale, manga and anime have become ever more important means to showcase culture and values. The type of cultural ideology manifested in these texts is no longer significant to Japan alone. As audiences around the globe become more accustomed to manga and anime texts, so are the texts produced with the understanding that they may some day be consumed by a global audience. Gender relations within both manga and anime media, regardless of whether shōnen or shōjo, become important to western audiences as well. What are the implica- tions of the glamorised Japanese-style shōjohood and motherhood, along with the implied virtue in enduring sexually-nuanced violence, for the younger audience in Japan and overseas? As shōjo anime texts are becoming more complex in their construction of femininity, and in order to better understand how these texts may be influencing females, especially girls, further media studies exploring the production industry and audience reception for both shōjo manga and anime are called for. Note The Japanese names in this paper follow the Japanese order, which is family name first. Works Cited Allison, A. (2000), Permitted and Prohibited Desires: Mothers, Comics, and Censorship in Japan, Berkeley: University of California Press. Brasor, P. and M. 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